RADIOFebruary 23, 2023

Vivek Ramaswamy SLAMS 3 lies about his 2024 presidential run

Most know Vivek Ramaswamy for his involvement in the business, tech, and anti-ESG world. So does he have the political skills needed to successfully lead the country? Ramaswamy, who recently announced his 2024 presidential run, joins Glenn to detail both why he’d make an excellent president and what he would hope to accomplish while in office. Plus, Ramaswamy debunks 3 falsehoods being spread about his career — one of which he calls an outright ‘LIE.’

Transcript

Below is a rush transcript that may contain errors

GLENN: Vivek Ramaswamy is on with us.

You know, you could have told me, given me a better clue. We just talked, I think it was on Friday. Said, are you thinking about running for president?

Like, I'm thinking about it.

Come on, you knew.

You knew.

VIVEK: Glenn, I think I said I was very seriously considering it. I think I did on the show.

GLENN: No. We hung up. But I said on the show, he's running. He's absolutely running.

VIVEK: Yeah. Come on. I gave it to you. Absolutely.

GLENN: Vivek, first of all, you were not known as a politician, or somebody who has ever done this.

You're known as a CEO. We'll get into that. What is it that your platform -- look, like on -- with Russia. What would you do as president, with what we're going through right now with Ukraine?

VIVEK: I think foreign policy is all about prioritization, Glenn. I would not spend another dollar on Ukraine. I would re-prioritize that to take on the number one foreign policy challenge. Which is Declaration of Independence from communist China.

I think we can declare economic independence, and defeat them economically, so we don't have to militarily. That's number one.

And at number two, if there's a youth case for the U.S. military and weapons, it is actually to protect our border and to take on, and I would go so far as to say, decimate the cartels, 100,000 fentanyl deaths in the United States today.

Eighty percent of which comes from Southern border crossings. Deal with that. Protect our soil here. We could do that for a refraction, Glenn, of the cost that it takes to, you know, fight a foreign war, on the ear side of the world. That has far fewer American interests to it.

I was in New Hampshire yesterday, and actually one of the things that surprised me, Glenn, was how broad the support for that idea for policy profits is.

And it's amazing, because the defense establishment doesn't -- says, you can't say that in polite company. But that gives you a sense for where I am on foreign policy.

GLENN: So let me ask you, Vivek, the -- Donald Trump was an outsider, he came in. And he's told me, several times, personally, he had no -- he knew it was bad.

But he had no idea, that he wouldn't be able to trust a soul, in Washington. He had no idea, how deep the Deep State was.

And how powerful it was.

What makes you think, you could go in, and rock everyone's world.

VIVEK: Well, he's told me the same thing, and he's a friend. And honestly, I take inspiration of what he did in 2015. I just think we have to take this to the next level. Part of this will just have to be shutting agencies down, full stop. Now, are there costs and benefits to that?

Yes. But I think we live in moments, where the benefits outlive those costs.

GLENN: So when you say shut the agencies down, what agencies are you talking about?

VIVEK: Department of Education. Let's start there. I was speaking to the Iowa legislature this morning, congratulating them for what they did in school choice in Ohio.

I said, they need to eliminate the Department of Education.

Many other three-letter acronyms. Even much of the national security apparatus, Glenn, has to be shut down and replaced in those cases with something new.

Because when a managerial rot runs so deep, you can't reform it by putting a different figurehead at the top.

You have to shut it down, and build something new to take its place.

And here's the other thing: I can say that Donald Trump knows this just as well as I do, from being a CEO.

If you can't fire somebody who works for you, that means they don't work for you.

It means, you work for them. You are their slave.

We need to replace these civil service protections, with sunset clauses. Saying that, you know what, if I can't be the next president of the United States and work for the federal government, for more than eight years, than neither should anybody who works for me, either.

Those federal bureaucrats have to be subject to eight-year sunset clauses.

GLENN: How are you going to get that done?

I mean, you have to have -- you have to have a Congress, that has the balls to do these things. And I'm not sure you have the Congress on either side of the aisle.

You've got a few.

VIVEK: Glenn, you're asking all the right questions, right? So I take a strong view of the Constitution here.

Article II of the Constitution says that the president of the United States, runs the federal government, period.

So if Congress isn't willing to act. As president, I am. And I have studied the Supreme Court. And the composition of the Supreme Court right now.

You want to take this one and test it in the Supreme Court with me? Great. We can then use judicial president to make sure we lock that in.

I believe that Clarence Thomas, and others on the court today, will be right there with me, on my view of Article II and how that reads in the Constitution, to say that a lot of these other -- constitutional statutes. From the impoundment prevention act of 1974. That says that the president has to spend money on specific agencies that greatest has actually authorized to spend it on. That's authorization, not a mandate.

Firing civil service protections, as I said, if you're running the federal government, under articles of the Constitution, the president runs the executive branch.

I take the Constitution seriously. And, you know what, I think the friendly way to do it is to leave Congress.

I personally think that 2024 can actually be landslide election, Glenn.

A topic for another day. I'm optimistic about that.

But if we don't get it done that way, we will get it done through executive authority, per what the Constitution empowers a president to do.

This is once again, America first. I'm all in as an America first conservative.

We just have to take this to the next level, with what I'm repeatedly now calling America first, 2.0.

And that's a big part of the reason, I'm doing this.

GLENN: So why did you -- you said you were Libertarian.

Why -- why did you decide you were a Republican?

A conservative? Over a Libertarian?

VIVEK: I used to be a Libertarian in college. I had this discussion with the folks in New Hampshire too.

There were a couple of Libertarians that came to one of my rallies last night. But here's the thing: Libertarians, I got two issues.

One is, they're too meek, actually. So they'll talk about the free market.

And they say, they don't want to make political expression a civil right, as I believe we need to in this country. Yet, they don't actually touch the other protected classes, like race or sex or religion or national origin.

To my view, to Libertarians today, with all due respect, have their heads in the sand.

Because you can't have it both ways. That's problem number one. The problem number two is deeper. Which is, you know, what are we doing, in that free world?

Even when the state is out of our hair. There's still the deeper question of purpose, as citizens. How we live our lives. How we live virtuous lives.

And I care about virtue, in civic life and in family life, and in faith-based life too. Not to say that the governments should necessarily be involved or mandating those things.

But those things matter for human flourishing, for American flourishing, and Libertarianism has nothing to say about that.

That is why I call myself a conservative today, in contrast to 15 years ago, when I thought I was a cool kid in college, calling myself a libertarian.

GLENN: So we're talking to Vivek Ramaswamy.

He's running for president of the United States. As a Republican.

We've gotten to know each other, over the World Economic Forum. And ESG.

And you are not only one of the biggest voices against it. You are actually -- you've put into action, strive management.

Where you are saying, invest with us.

We'll do better with your money than BlackRock.

And we're going to use the voting rights, that we get, to try to tell these companies, don't do these woke things.

But there's some charges out about you. That I just like to hear you answer.

You were nominated and selected, as a World Economic Forum young global leader in '21.

Did --

VIVEK: Glenn, this is hilarious. This is hilarious. Thank you for this opportunity. This is actually a lot of fun for me. Look, there are a lot of people on the right and the left that are threatened by my entry into this race.

So I welcome the opportunity to have this debate in the open. All right?

I think you know this.

I don't like to boast about myself. But I would go so far to say, no one. And I mean, no one in this country has been a bigger both doer and crusader against the World Economic Forum agenda, than probably the two of us on this call.

I really mean it. I would challenge anybody to name one for me. If you really pressed me.

I would name maybe Elon Musk. And guess what, he's named on that sanely website, of the World Economic Forum. Somebody else, financially.

Friend, Peter Thiel. He's been named on that same website. You want to know why? Here's the dirty little secret. Though -- and I have seen it firsthand. I experienced it firsthand. The World Economic Forum names you on their website without your permission.

So the funny part is, I have a book coming out later this year. Where I actually detailed this experience.

I have phone calls, emails. And I was respectful about it.

I believe in being civil. But I said, do not name me on your website, because I do not accept your award. I don't want to speak at your conference.

They tell me, no, no, no. You don't understand. We have all the global billionaires here. Mark Zuckerbuck was a young global fellow.

No, no, no, Vivek, you don't understand. This is an honor. I respectfully disagree. I don't want to be named. And I don't want to accept your award.

And then they go on to put my name on their website anyway. They've asked me to speak here, and that kind of thing.

I declined. But the funny thing about me. And I've learned a little bit about how this partisan politics game works. You know, Trump spoke at the World Economic Forum in Davos, in 2018 and 2019.

Do I hold that against him?

No. You want to know why, because everyone who is as financially successful as me or Donald Trump or Elon Musk or whatever, gets invited to speak. In my case, I've said no. This has been my focus area.

It would not have made sense for me to do it. In Trump's case, he said, yes, I don't hold that against him.

But I think it just reveals, you know, one of the things that has been eye-opening to me, about the online version of the conservative movement. The rise of these click bait conservatives. That it is sort of sad. Want to mislead their followers to advance what agenda, I don't know.

But at the end of the day, I also don't want to complain about it.

One of the big leagues of presidential politics. It's well-known, it is a dirty game. But it's good to keep your eye on the facts. And there's no -- this agenda than me.

GLENN: Well, I can verify one thing. The world economical forum has me on a list too. And they won't take me off that list either.

So it's just not the same kind of list.

BRAD: They can do it.

GLENN: I know. So the next thing is, that you have a long time association with Soros.

And I'm probably the number one anti-Soros guy in the world.

VIVEK: Can I give you a one-word answer to that question, Glenn?

I know you're the number one anti-Soros guy. So I'm not saying false to you. I'm saying false to the long-time association with George Soros.

Lie. 100 percent lie.

Now, let me actually give you guys the facts. And again, this -- these click bait conservatives online.

I don't know if they feel threatened or whatever. And they need to make up stuff.

I was 25 years old. When I went to law school. I got a scholarship funded by Paul Soros, not George Soros. But Paul Soros.

That allowed me at the age of 25, to pay for law school, and I took it.

You want to know why? Because I'm smart.

Now, it's hilarious to me, that the same people who bring that back up from when I was 25 years old, taking a scholarship, funded partially by somebody who is related to George Soros, don't say a word about the fact, that, again, Donald Trump, who I love. Who I respect. I'm not criticizing him. Took 160-million-dollar loan from not Paul Soros, but George Soros himself.

I have no problem with this. You want to know why?

Because it's business.

Donald Trump knows what he's doing. I don't think he's corrupted by that.

I'm not criticizing him for it. He's a friend. But I think it's funny. And I think it's revealing, that these same people will talk about a 25-year-old dude taking a scholarship to help him pay for law school from a relative of George Soros. Make a big deal out of that, without saying a peep about Donald Trump taking 165 million-dollar loan for George Soros, and I say that as a friend and somebody who respects Donald Trump.

Because I don't think that that disqualifies him or taints him in any way, because he's a man of integrity. And he's doing business the way he knows how.

But I think when you're in positions like I've been or Donald Trump has been, you get that. I think, you know, if you're sitting online on Twitter, it can be a very different story.

GLENN: All right. I have one more question in this line here. And that is: You're -- you're a biotechnical guy. And in bed with big pharmaceuticals.

And big proponent of mRNA shots.

And, you know, you -- you have -- you've never critiqued Pfizer.

VIVEK: So let me -- let me say a couple things. First of those things is true.

I'm a biotech guy. I am proud of my success in biotech. Glenn, five of the medicines I worked on, personally oversaw in the company I founded. Are FDA products today.

That is now a multi-billion-dollar company. A seven-billion-dollar company that I led as CEO.

One of those drugs is a drug for prostate cancer. Another for women's health conditions, for endometriosis, to Uterine fibroids, to psoriasis. To one that is particularly touching for me.

I say an approved therapy for kids, who are born with a genetic disease that caused them to die by the age of two, at a 100 percent fatality rate by the age of 2 or 3. Now a majority of them have an opportunity to live lives of potentially a normal duration.

I'm proud of those things, Glenn. I will not apologize. That is part of what makes America great, and it's part of what makes innovation great, is it empowers human beings to live better lives.

That is not an association with anything other than human innovation and a commitment to actually making people prosper by addressing diseases and treating them.

Now, the idea that I am a proponent of some sort of vaccination agenda. No, I'm on the record right now.

I oppose vaccine mandates. I think there has been a lot of rampant government lying and mistrust. Appropriately shown to the American public. Because of how badly they handled this issue.

But I think we can't go to a place where we say that now we don't want people working on innovative medicines to treat diseases from prostate cancer, to psoriasis, to genetic conditions in children.

No. I think we have to stand up for the innovation that makes us who we are. And I'm proud of what I accomplished.

GLENN: All right. Talking to Vivek Ramaswamy. Back with him in just a second.

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GLENN: Let me go back to your platform. A good friend of ours, David Harsanyi, has pushed back a bit on one of your platform policies. I would like to hear your response.

STU: Yeah. I think some respectful questioning, about one of your policy proposals, Vivek, about making political ideas a protected right.

I think there's a lot of appeal to conservatives, who continually get fired from their jobs, over what they believe.

He says, though. You're -- we could have some negative side effects. He says, your idea would potentially make it illegal for not only for Disney to fire a social conservative, but for a Jewish restaurant to sever its restaurant with a neo-Nazi, or a hedge fund would be compelled to keep a Trotskyite, who believe profits are evil on the payroll. Or Walmart having to wait for the worker who spends his days trying to put big box chains out of business, to leave on his own volition. How do you walk this line?

Because, obviously, there's a lot of really negative consequences coming from this. But does -- if we make this a civil right, does it go too far?

VIVEK: Great question. These are the things that we should actually be talking about. Great question. Thank you.

Here's what I would say: I would give Congress a choice. Either you repeal the protected classes as they exist. Okay?

Race, sex, religion, national origin, sexual orientation, and you actually leave it to the free market. Or you have to apply those standards evenhandedly. But you cannot have it both ways.

And since this is -- I know who I'm talking to. A pretty sophisticated counterpart here, and Glenn in particular understands this. I know.

Let me explain how those civil rights laws and protected classes created the conditions for viewpoint discrimination. Okay?

GLENN: We have two minutes.

VIVEK: Yeah. So Lyndon Johnson thought it was just prohibiting discrimination on the base of race.

But they've now been interpreted to say, that includes hostile work environments against religious minorities. What's one of the ways you can create a hostile work environment?

It's by wearing a Trump hat to work. It's by saying the wrong thing on social media. So ironically, the law created the conditions for a viewpoint-based discrimination, while leaving political viewpoints unprotected.

So you can't have it both ways. If you can't fire somebody for being black or gay or Muslim or white or Jewish or whatever, you should not be able to fire somebody for being an outspoken conservative either.

We have to apply these standards, evenhandedly. And if you want to get rid of protected classes altogether, great. I'll have that conversation. But no Republican or anybody else is willing to.

So in the meantime, I think we need to bring civil rights into the 21st century, to protect political expression as a civil right.

GLENN: All right. Vivek, I love the fact that you're running. I -- I support anybody who is standing up for the Constitution. Standing up for the right of people. Standing up against the endless wars and the lies. And you just are just able to run for president, are you not?

Didn't you just have a birthday? What are you, 36? Thirty-seven?

VIVEK: Two years ago. Thirty-seven. Thirty-seven.

GLENN: Thirty-seven.

Yeah. That would be a shocking change from what we had traditionally. Since really Clinton. And I think he was in his 40s.

STU: I only want people above 100 years old to run for president. Yes, I think we should go the other direction. I'm sorry, Vivek.

GLENN: All right. Vivek Ramaswamy.

We'll talk to you again. Thank you so much.

You can find out more, at Vivek V-I-V-E-K2024.com. Vivek2024.com. V-I-V-E-K2024.com.

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Could Trump’s “warrior dividends” CHANGE the economy?

President Trump has announced he is giving our troops “warrior dividends” of $1,776 each from the money raised by his tariffs. Glenn and Stu debate whether this is a good idea. Also…what are the odds that the Republicans will cave on Obamacare subsidies?

Transcript

Below is a rush transcript that may contain errors

GLENN: So something the president said yesterday, that I thought was really, really good. Because it will make a difference. And it's not a redistribution of wealth. He talked about his warrior dividend.

He said, every -- the 1.45 million military personnel are going to receive $1,776 before Christmas. And he says, it's recognition for their service and sacrifice.

He says, it's one time. It's coming from tariffs because of the big, beautiful bill. Tonight, I'm proud to announce, more than 1.45 million service members will receive a special we call warrior dividend. Warrior dividend in honor of our nation's founding in 1776. We're sending every soldier $1,776. The checks are already on the way.

I think this is better than choosing another group of people. You know, who is poor? And let's give them the money. I don't like when the government hands out money. But if anybody -- I mean, they're already on the payroll, and they're underpaid. And if anybody can use it, it's the military. $1,700 is a huge amount for most people in the military. Gigantic amount. That will make an actual impact in the people's lives, who I think actually deserve. You know, we -- we don't do enough for our military. And so it's the best kind of -- I don't know. Stimulus package I've ever seen. Although, this isn't a stimulus package, I don't think. Even though, these people are going to pump it into -- I can guarantee you, they will get it, and they will use it on their family for Christmas. Which, you know, will stimulate the economy so much.
Warrior Dividends. How did you feel about that, Stu?

STU: A bit conflicted for a few reason. I obviously 100 percent agree with you that our military members deserve more money, and I'm excited they're going to get it. And I have no -- my feeling on that from a general perspective is very, very positive. Like, if we're going to give money to anybody.
GLENN: Likewise.

STU: Our military is great.

GLENN: Yep.

STU: So that's obvious.

But I had a couple of concerns. One being, you know, we're not exactly at a place where we just have tons of extra money lying around to -- you know, to throw around to people.

I know the argument is with tariffs that we have enough. But, of course, that only pays for a slight amount of our deficit, right know

So we still -- this is all money that we don't actually have. Number one. And number two, my -- I don't really understand. Maybe you have a better understandings of this. But like my understanding of the mechanism of how we spent money as the government is that Congress passes a bill to allocate money.

When you're talking about a policy like this. And I think the president's heart.

GLENN: You got rid of that under Obama.

STU: I don't think.

Well, I didn't get rid of it.

GLENN: You did. Congress. I know. It's still the law of the land.

But nobody is paying attention to it anymore.

Congress doesn't even pay attention to it anymore.

They don't seem to care.

STU: And the other thing with this part of it, particularly, Glenn. Is quite obviously, there would be very little resistence to a bill that did this.

If you put a bill in front of Congress that said, we're going to give a bonus of $1,776 to all our military members. I would love to do it, just to dare the Democrats to vote against it.

Take all the concerns out about spending. This obviously would pass. Because no one would have the balls to vote against it. Outside of Rand Paul, and Thomas Massie.

Like, there would be a couple people. But it would be pretty limiteds.

GLENN: Right.

GLENN: So it could have gone through the normal processes. I don't know if Trump is saying, I want to be -- I want to dare someone to try to stop me here.

Or if it's just, look, there's a pile of money in a military budget somewhere. That he can move around. And he has control of it, because he's commander-in-chief.

I don't really understand the mechanisms.

So I have some questions of that. Generally speaking, when you're thinking of the most offensive things that the government does, giving our military more money is nowhere near the top of that list.

GLENN: It's not one. It's not it. Not it. Not it. They deserve it. They deserve it.

Now, the Republicans pass something. I love this. They just passed their health care plan.
Which is just staying with Obamacare without re-upping the insurance part of it. So they're not for the subsidies. It's not going to pass. It's not going to pass.

This is just something that they pass in the House. It will not be passed in the Senate. Not going to go to the President's desk.

Here's what's going to happen: You're going to see the House and the Senate. No. No, no. Let me rephrase that.

I started that with a lie. While you're not paying attention this Christmas, you will not see, but it will happen, anyway, the House and the Senate will re-up the insurance subsidies, and they will pass this health care thing while nobody is paying attention. And then it will be over.

I mean, that's exactly what's going to happen. There's not a chance we come back and on January 5th, and we say, oh, my gosh. Look! Wow. They're going to close down the government. Because they didn't pass this health care thing.

Well, good for the Republicans for having a spine and standing up!

No! Not going to happen. Not going to happen

STU: It does appear, the chance of the Republicans folding here, is approaching 1 trillion percent.

I don't know. We're having major inflation numbers.

GLENN: I would say 38 trillion. 38 trillion percent.

Yeah.

STU: There you go. I don't know. Because basically what has happened is enough Republicans have already folded on this, for a three-year extension of the subsidies. Which again, is a giveaway on top of the normal Obamacare to make it Obamacare turbo and lock in even higher subsidies because the old Obamacare plan failed. So that's what we're talking about here. So going back to Obamacare as passed is now the worst thing in the world to even the Democrats. Fascinating!

But they have enough Republicans who have changed sides on this. And they are now -- the Democrats have enough votes to force a vote on this bill, which almost definitely will pass the House. Because they already have the votes, and others Republicans will want to now change sides, if there's a public vote. So it will likely pass there.

It's the possible, obviously, that they stop it in the Senate. They could stop it in the Senate.

I don't know. I don't think there's much appetite to stop this, honestly, at the end of the day.

You know, you probably will have a chance of doing it, at the Senate. That's the best chance.

My guess is, what happens. Once the pressure is there, they find a way to maybe adjust it and do a year or something like that, that gets them past the election.

But, of course, what happens this a year. We all know what happens in a year. It's the same thing that will happen this year.It the same thing that happened four years ago, when the first part of this bill went away.

In 2022. Or 2021. They came in and said, okay. Let's extend it for four more years. My guess is, there will probably be some adjustments to this plan. I don't expect at all, for Republicans to hold the line this. Not only do they not want to get rid of Obamacare. They don't even want to get rid of Obamacare turbo. They passed this thing yesterday, which does give them the argument to say, hey. We did pass some of it.

We do have a plan, it's right here. But that's all of it.

GLENN: Stu. Understand the reality. Understand the reality.

We can't get things done unless we have the House and the Senate and the White House and the Supreme Court.

So we just have to wait until we have a time when -- what?

STU: Glenn, I have breaking news.
We've got all that! We've got all of that right now.
GLENN: Well, but it's not. Yeah. It's not as big as we need it, really.

STU: Oh, yeah.

GLENN: We have to have the House, the Senate, the White House, and the Supreme Court. But we have to have more than what we said, when we said those things.

We just need those -- you know, all three branches of government. We need all three branches of government, but more.

It's like we need -- we need that turbo, kind of like Obamacare turbo.

It's never quite enough to get the job done.

STU: Never is, Glenn.

I really do expect, if we have a nine-zero Supreme Court, the presidency, and 534 combined Congress men and senators, we can't do this with this guy over here. There's one Democrat in Congress. We can't do this! That's exactly what I would expect.

GLENN: Stand in the way.

STU: It's pathetic. But it reminds you that your goals are not their goals.

You know, that's what -- I keep coming back to. Forever, Glenn when we started this show. I started the show very young. I was in my early 20s. Didn't really understand lots of things. I was unfortunately running from you, which obviously turned into a catastrophe.

But, you know, as I learned here, at the beginning, my thought was, us as conservatives, as Republicans, as the right, agree on a lot of different things. And there are disagreements as to how we get there, right?

There are sometimes people think we need to kind of fold, or we need to compromise. And we have to move slowly.

And some other people there, saying, we have to go all the way right now.

And there's that disagreement. You remember this from going back in history. Right? Slavery was like this.

There were some people who were like, abolish, abolish, abolish. And others were like, gosh, I don't think we can do that. We have to finagle. We have to work around the edges.

Every big debate has had that.

What I've learned is that actually the goals are the same. When we are saying, hey, we need to make sure government is more -- is smaller, more limited. That's not the goal of most of the people. On, quote, unquote, our side in Washington.

GLENN: Nope.

STU: They don't share those goals. So they're working for something completely different.

They're not going to what we want, as -- as a typical American conservative.

We're inching towards some of those goals.

But also, when we need to give up on them. They go the opposite direction to keep these guys in office for a couple of years. Fine!

And that's what's really frustrating here.

GLENN: So let me give you some good news. And then I'll -- and I'll spoil it for you.

But some good news. The House has just passed legislation that makes performing transgender surgeries on minors a felony. Now, here's the bad news: It passed 216 to 211.

That means, really, there are 211 Democrats that actually in their heart of hearts think that cutting into minors, cutting the breasts off. At this point, now that we have all the data that we have gathered over, you know, five years of doing this to children. At this point, there's 211 that firmly believe, yeah, no. Damn it. We should cut off the breasts. The healthy breasts off of a healthy minor. We've got to make those -- we've got to make those decisions. And a 12-year-old make that decision. A 15-year-old should make that decision.

Really? No!

It's just politics. And if they do think they believe it, they believe it because they've been party brainwashed. You know, how many of us, on any -- on any and all sides, how many of us actually believe something and have thought it through, and how many of us are just kind of zombie following the crowd?

I contend most people are just zombies following the crowd.

Whether -- that might be a crowd now of, you know what, Charlie Kirk was killed by his wife!

There's all kinds of zombie crowds. And they don't require you to think at all.
They just require you to sign up for the team. And that's -- that's my biggest problem with the Republicans. Is I'm not on a team.

You know, when I left Fox, Roger Ailes said to me, you know what your problem is? And I said, no. But I know you're going to tell me.

What's my problem?

He said, you won't play the game. He said, you know, there's -- there are well-established rules. If you need a pound of flesh, you take a pound of flesh from me.

But then you owe me a pound of flesh. So when I need a pound of flesh, I'm going to come and take it out of you. And then we go out, and we have dinner with each other.

And I was just astounded that that was actually spoken out loud. And I said, see, here's the problem: I don't believe it is a game.

I actually believe in something. And -- and I thought more people believed in something.

Don't you feel like you just want somebody to go in, like Mr. Smith Goes to Washington, and actually believe in something!

And then when they find out, wait a minute. I've been duped like Mr. Smith Goes to Washington.

They stand up and say, this is wrong!

And I'm not playing that game. And I don't want to play that game. And you kind of, again, there's so many hoops you have to jump through, for this to happen.

Then you actually have to believe that there are other people in the Congress and the Senate, that are like, you know what, he's brave enough to say it. I'm going to stand up next to him.

I mean,, oh, I remember when I was young and naive. And I believed those things would happen.

I still believe they can happen.

But only when the American people return to common sense and demand it.

"It’s a Wonderful Life" - The Amazing UNTOLD Story of the Classic Christmas Movie

It’s a Wonderful Life wasn’t always a beloved classic — in fact, it was a complete failure that nearly destroyed the careers of Frank Capra and Jimmy Stewart. Glenn Beck reveals how a forgotten film, resurrected only because its copyright lapsed, became one of the most meaningful stories in American culture. Through George Bailey’s quiet sacrifices, the movie teaches us that the true measure of a life is often invisible, discovered only through the small acts of faithfulness and love we give along the way. This timeless reminder — that ordinary people can change the world without ever seeing the ripples — is why the film still breaks our hearts, heals our spirits, and reassures us that we mattered.

Transcript

Below is a rush transcript that may contain errors

GLENN: Let me tell you a story that you think you already know. It's about a movie that feels like it's been there our whole lives. It's like a tree in the town square and the hymn. You don't remember learning, but somehow you know it by heart. But this particular movie hasn't been around forever, it just seems like it. It was actually born out of failure. It was born out of exhaustion.

And it was born out of people who felt just like its lead character, George Bailey.

It's a Wonderful Life has a fascinating story behind it. And it speaks volumes about us, our hopes, our fears, our desires.

The movie was made by Frank Capra, and it was right after World War II. Frank Capra had just come back. He didn't come home triumphant. He came home a changed man.

He had spent the war making film for the United States government. The war department.

About why the west is worth saving. This film series. They're fantastic. It's called Why We Fight.

And when he returned, his old style of doing things, the old machinery just didn't fit Hollywood anymore. So he started his own studio. He bet absolutely everything on it.

And It's a Wonderful Life was supposed to be the movie, that proved Frank Capra is still Frank Capra. And it nearly ruined him. The movie lost money. Critics really didn't like it. They mocked how schmaltzy it was. Audiences stayed home.

Jimmy Stewart, this was his first movie that he made, when he came back home from the war. And this was his start. And between Frank Capra and Jimmy Stewart. Oh, my gosh, you've got a massive hit, right?

Nobody came. Nobody watched it. Jimmy Stewart, the most beloved man in America gave a really raw, shaken, almost too real performance for people at the time. He wasn't the cheerful hero that is coming out of war as a victory.

This was a man that was cracking under the weight of responsibility. A man who did everything right, but he still felt like he was a failure.

Any of this sound familiar?

It was a story about what happened during the Depression and the crash of '29. Well, America had been living that forever!

They had been living that since '29. They went through the long Depression.

Then they went through the war. The first thing, out of war, they don't want to watch a movie about how depressing life can be. Okay?

So it was a total failure. Film disappears. Goes into a vault. It's a noble misfire.

Good idea. It just didn't land. Maybe wrong time. Eh. Maybe too schmaltzy. Then something weird happened, everybody forgot about it. And so the rights lapsed. There was no grand relaunch. There was no marketing genius, just a legal oversight that let the rights lapse.

Enter Ted Turner.

Ted Turner and Super Station TBS. Remember Super Station TBS when he bought a bunch of stations across the country, and he tied them all together.

And then cable came in, and Super Station TBS became TBS. Turner, while he was looking on super station TBS. They needed some holiday programming. And they needed it cheap. And when I say cheap, what they -- what Ted really meant was tree. We need a bunch of free programming, that we can run all Christmas.

Okay?

No rights. No royalties.

What is out there?

The vaults opened up, and lo and behold, they find It's a Wonderful Life.

Suddenly, it appears in our life, and I don't know about you. I always thought it had been around forever. It did seem like it was a new relaunch.
It was like, hey, did you hear about this new movie?

It was just there and on. We thought everybody knew about it. Nobody knew about it. Our grandparents probably didn't know we knew about it, because it was a massive failure. It's on afternoons, late nights. It's on mornings.

It's everywhere. It's everywhere. Black and white snow flickering on the living rooms. As we are playing on the floor. We as the adults are half listening, half watching. And slowly, slowly, its message found us.

It found us this time, because America had changed.

We weren't fresh from it despair. And we weren't fresh from victory anymore.

We weren't those people. It wasn't so close to us, that we didn't want to look at us!
Yes, we were tired. We were busy. We were stretched thin.

But we were also a group now that measured our lives in promotions. And in square footage. And bank balances.

We were starting to become a little Mr. Potter-like. And we didn't want to be Mr. Potter.

And there on the screen is George Bailey, standing on the bridge, wondering, would the world be better without me? He's not a villain. He's not a loser.

He's actually a really good man.
He's the best of us. And that's why it still works.

Think of all the happy endings and all we have, and everything else. And all of the stories that we tell ourselves.

This movie doesn't tell you, that life will turn out the way you planned.

This one tells you something much, much harder. That the measure of your life is probably going to be invisible to you, while you're living your life.

Because Clarence ain't coming down in his 1800s clothing, and having a hot toddy with you.

So you probably won't know the real measure of your life. And the biggest victories in your life don't come with applause. And the sacrifice, it usually doesn't feel heroic at the moment. It just feels like sacrifice. And crap. Why me. Why me?
Why don't I ever get the adventure that I planned my whole life? Remember, George never left Bedford Falls. He never becomes famous. He just stays. And he shows up. And he keeps his promises. And he holds people together.

What is the real -- what's the real miracle of the film?

Because it's not Clarence. It's not the bells.

It's not him getting his life back. The real miracle is the ledger. That's the miracle. The names, the faces, the small kindness, you all stacked you up, one on top of each other, until you realize, oh, my gosh. All of those little acts, they amount to a life that actually mattered. We're all looking for the big splashy -- he didn't get any of those. He didn't get that.

And that's why he felt like he was a failure. That's why when the town shows up in the end, and they're all giving just a few dollars, it breaks us every single time. Because deep down, we're not watching George Bailey. Deep down, we're checking our own books, our own ledger. Did I? Do I matter to anybody? Would I be missed? Do the things I gave up -- the things I really wanted to do in life, but because something else came up. I had to serve, I had to do this for my kids. Or I had to do this -- the things I gave up, does it mean anything?

This film answers it with a whisper. It doesn't shout it. It whispers.

You'll never fully know the good you've done. I can't give you an answer. You'll never know it. You'll never see the ripples while you're standing in the water.

But they're there. Believe me, they're there.

So this year, when you either just have it running, while you're all in the kitchen. And you're watching time to time. Oh, I love this part. I love this part.

And everybody gets quiet and you just curl on the couch and watch it again, remember, you're not watching a Christmas movie.

What you're watching is a reminder that life doesn't have to be loud to be important.

That staying can be braver than leaving. That loving your family and your neighbors and your town, imperfect as it is, that's not settling.

It's choosing. And whether Ted Turner knew it or not, I can guarantee you, that Jimmy Stewart did. And Frank Capra certainly did.

That every time you see that, why we, year after year, when the snow starts falling in that old piano theme play as we comes back. Not for the nostalgia. But for the reassurance.

Because every once in a while, all of us need somebody just to look us in the eye and say, you're here!

You mattered.

And it is a wonderful life.

How Trump TRICKED the media with his presidential address

President Trump recently addressed the nation about his administration’s many accomplishments over its first year. Glenn Beck reviews the best moments of the speech, as well as some moments he doesn’t believe will age well. Plus…did Trump trick the media into playing his highlight reel by making them think he would declare war with Venezuela?

Transcript

Below is a rush transcript that may contain errors

GLENN: So last night, the President spoke, and, you know, he started out.

It was -- it was -- let me give you the overall first. I've never seen him more disciplined.

I think the speech was like, I don't know. It was over by 20 minutes after. And I think he ran six minutes late. I mean, I've never seen -- he doesn't say hello in less than 20 minutes.

He stayed on script the whole time. He was extraordinarily disciplined. He was forceful with it. And he explained what has been done in the last year. And he started out saying, a year ago, our country was dead. Now we're the hottest country. We're the hottest country in the world right now. Nobody has ever seen anything like it.

He said, you know, when he took -- when he took over, inflation was the worst in 48 years.

Caused prices to be higher than ever. Making life unaffordable for millions of Americans. And he said, over the past 11 months, we brought more positive change to Washington than any administration in American history.

Never been anything like it.

He talked about successfully negotiating $18 trillion of investments into the country.

And he said, but the real problem for most Americans was under Biden, car prices rose 22 percent in many states. He said, 30 percent or more. Gasoline rose 30 to 50 percent.

Hotel rates raised 37 percent. Airfare rose 31 percent. And he said, they're all coming down. They're coming down fast. Faster than anybody expected. Drugs, brought by ocean and sea are now down by 94 percent. He said, we broke the grip of sinister woke radicals in our schools.

I restored American strength, settled eight wars in ten months, destroyed the Iran nuclear threat. And ended a war in Gaza, bringing for the first time in 3,000 years, peace to the Middle East.
Then he talked about, you know, what's coming next!

Now, here are my thoughts on this: You know, everybody was speculating, he's going to say we're going to war. What would give you that impression?

I mean, he doesn't -- that is the very last resort. And we are not out of tricks with Venezuela.

I don't think we're going to war with Venezuela.

I think he's making it look like we're going to war, to freak Venezuela out.

And to get Maduro out.

I don't think we're going into war.

I hope we're not. I could be wrong.

But I just don't think that's his deal.

Everybody is speculating, he will announce we're going to war.

No. He's not.

However, is it possible that they were leaking this?

Because I saw this as the kickoff of the campaign. I saw this as okay. This is the message for 2026 for the Republicans.

And it was so disciplined and -- and so tight. You know, he gets -- when the president calls a speech at night and says, he wants to address the nation be, the networks are asked to carry it.

Sometimes they don't. They don't have to. But if he said, look, I only need 20 minutes, I'm sure that everybody at NBC. I mean, I did. Rolled my eyes. Yeah. It will be 20 minutes.

It will be an hour and 20 minutes. But it was tight and focused in 20 minutes.

I wonder if the war thing wasn't a way to get them to cover this.

If -- if it wasn't a leak from the White House. You know, I think he might. I think he might announce war tonight. Then everybody will cover it. I don't know.

Maybe that's me being too sinal. I don't know. Can you be too cynical at this point?

Here's the thing. He said a couple of things that I didn't think will serve him well. And it's only because -- and I think you feel the same way.

I know I'm sick of it. And I've been reporting on it since the beginning of Obama.

And I hated it when Obama was doing it. And he did it for eight years. Biden did it for four years.

And here's the line: I inherited a mess. I inherited trouble. I'm cleaning up somebody else's mess.

True. It's absolutely true. It wasn't with Biden.

It kind of was with Obama, at the beginning.

But, you know, when you're seven years into it. You haven't cleaned that up yet?

I mean, you've got to get a bigger mop. But it's definitely true under Donald Trump. However, people have heard that now from the last three presidents.

And they're tired of it. It has no meaning anymore. Even though it's true.

And I want to go back to truth here in a second. The other thing that I don't think will serve him well is the economy is doing better than ever.

You're going to love it. It's great. People are not -- that might be true!

In my opinion, it's not. It is doing much, much better.

I mean, you know, you -- you had -- what was it?

Twenty-five percent. Thirty percent inflation added to everything? You've got to go into negative inflation to be able to get those prices down. They're going to be up there. And what's happening is, we still are adding 2 percent inflation. And that's the target. I don't know why we put up with that target, but that's the target.

So you'll have 2 percent price increases every year. Now, we're at 3 percent. We get the numbers out today.

It might go into the twos. Are they out yet?

STU: Yeah. 2.7, the number out today.

GLENN: 2.7 that's great.

STU: Yeah, it's better. It's going the right direction. They say part of that might be because the government shutdown, so we're not sure how long that lasts, but positive movement anyway.

GLENN: Yeah, so that's fantastic! So coming down to 2.7. Remember, we were at 9, and it was compounding year after year after year.

So he is bringing things down. And the price of some things like gasoline and eggs. And some of the stuff you get at the grocery, are way down. They're not back to where they were in 2016. Or 2020.

Because, I mean, he's just trying to stop the inflation.
So what's happening, and this is what I say, will serve him well is, there was this great marketing book out in the '80s called Positioning the Battlefields of Your Mind -- or, Battleground of Your Mind.

And it was a book that led to the Cola Wars. It was the understanding of the Cola Wars and how Pepsi could beat Coca-Cola.

They had to change the perception. And the perception was, that Coca-Cola was it!

And Pepsi had to change it, and that's why they became the choice of a new generation. And for a while, Pepsi was -- it may have even beaten Coke.

But there was this real Cola War back and forth the whole time. They didn't change the flavors. They didn't change anything.

Pepsi was what Pepsi always had been. Coca-Cola was what Coca-Cola had always been.

They needed to change the perception, okay? Because perception, whether it's true or not, perception is reality.

Whatever people perceive, and feel, is their reality.

So it's the reality that you have to deal with.

People don't feel the relief yet. They see the prices coming down. But they're still paying out the same amount of money that they were paying out under Joe Biden.

It's not getting worse. Except, by 2.7 percent overall.

But it's -- it's not getting better to them. You know, certain categories are.

But overall, you're still struggling with your rent and everything else!

And so people's perception is: It -- it's not what I expected. Because what I expected was 2019!

I expected to have jobs and the economy rolling. And the price of housing coming down. And everything else.

And it's not.

So what's not going to serve him well is saying, "Your perception is wrong." He might be right! It doesn't matter! You can't tell people their perception is wrong. You have to change that perception.

And the only way to really change it is to demonstrate it, or through ads, you know, back in the Cola War era, they just changed slogans and do ads and everything else. But people don't buy slogans anymore. They don't buy ads anymore. They don't even trust logos anymore. So that won't work.

You actually have to change people's lives to change their perception. Now, 25 percent last month said that they felt that their personal finances were doing better. That was last month. Or the month before last.

This last month, it's up to 27 percent.

So he's moving that in the right direction. But to win, you've got to be over 40 percent.

Easy over 40 percent have to feel like their personal finances are getting better. 27 percent is not enough. But it is moving in the right direction.

So when the president says he's got to relate to the people who steal -- who have defended him, liked him, and believe in him, he's got to say, I know you're feeling the pinch.

You know, one of the things he said last night. But I don't think it's connected yet to people.

And it's because it's absolutely true. Why do you think that you are spending more every month for your rent?

Why?

You're spending more on rent, because there's too many people chasing too few houses and apartments.

You cannot add ten to 15 million people in four years, while you're not building things. You can't add 10 million people into your country and say, oh, by the way. Go get housing.

Where are they going to get the housing?

The housing, you're going to have a shortage, which will cause the prices to go up.

So until you get rid of those 10 million people. You're not going to lower the price.

And especially if the government is subsidizing them.

Because, I mean, look at the NGOs. If people know, the government will pay. They will keep the price up. What would happen with NGOs. Look what's happening with universities. Why do you think universities are so expensive?

They weren't like that. Until the government said, we will guarantee the loans. Once the government said, we'll guarantee the loans, prices went true the roof because everybody could get a loan!

That's the problem. He's got to connect this, and I think he started last night. He's done it a few times. But somewhere or another, it's really got to connect with the American people.
You cannot solve the housing crisis and not solve the immigration crisis. You have to send people back home, or you're going to have to wait five years, as we build new apartment complexes and new buildings. And we stabilize under these ten million new homes that were needed.

That's not popular. And nobody is going to wait that long. Somehow or another, he's got to make that point. And it's got to connect with people, to give him more time to turn things around, on the housing.

Now, he also was really strong in saying that he was appointing -- wait until you meet the guy to appoint the head of the Fed.

Well, I would like to meet that person too. I would like to know who that is. He said he will do it right after the first of the year. Because our Fed chair is leaving, after the first of the year in February. And he said he's a guy who understands low interest rates. And, you know, low mortgage rates, looser money. That could be really dangerous with -- with inflation, but we'll see.

But that could be a turning point, one way or the other, a new Fed chair will be a new turning point.

And hopefully, Trump and this new Fed chair know what they're doing, and it won't make things worse.

But I don't know how you can with the Fed. I mean, they've already made everything so bad.