Michael Rectenwald crosses the street

Graphic by Alexander Somoskey

Michael Rectenwald smiles as we walk past glass walls with reflections of us walking. It's been a lively day for the NYU professor, writer and former Libertarian Communist. He arrived at Mercury Studios this morning, then spent two hours talking with Glenn Beck about academia and God for Glenn's weekend podcast. He's satisfied and hungry and a little cold — temperature-wise. I tell him the studio is always this cold because the stage-lights get so hot, and people wear sweaters year-round. So when we step out into the Texas heat, the sunlight is blinding like a warm hallucination.

We stomp through witchgrass and overgrown clover, then jaywalk across Royal Lane through tufts of exhaust from passing motorcycles. There are cars at every gas pump of the 7-Eleven, and the air undulates with gasoline fumes. This is one of those moments for Rectenwald — when the world is gliding along and you catch a glimpse of perfection.

On a sunny day like this, with everything so alive, you never expect tragedy. But it happens. Life is full of broken things, and sometimes you are one of them.

For now, Rectenwald is elated. He has the broad gait of a professor who's always chatting with students as he walks around campus. His accent hints at Pittsburgh abruptness, with the pace of a New York transplant, but he's also a lifelong reader, so there are refinements to his speech you hear mostly during sermons and lectures.

These are the last days of Texas summer. And Rectenwald is in a suit — looking rather professorial with his half-knotted tie and his hair mussed slightly. He has the added level of distinction you see in professors from elite universities. His glasses are Wayfarer-style, with those prescription lenses that get darker depending on how bright it is. At the moment, they are nothing but black.

We decide to have lunch at Desi District, an Indian restaurant next to the 7-Eleven. A bored family yawns at a brightly-lit table. It's not entirely clear that they're here for any reason. The room echoes with the jives and exotic tumbles of a Bollywood soundtrack — music that, however corny, somehow always sounds majestic.

None of the women at the counter understands a word that we say, and, to be fair, we cannot understand them either.

Point-and-order.

Smile and nod.

Nod, then pay.

I ask Rectenwald about the time he spent with Beat poet Allen Ginsberg.

“It was like a dream," he says. “It was like I was awake inside a dream."

Michael Rectenwald was 19 when he met Allen Ginsberg.(Courtesy of Michael Rectenwald)

At 19, Rectenwald sent Ginsberg a letter with five or six poems. Ginsberg replied, invited him to study at the Jack Kerouac School of Disembodied Poetics at Naropa Institute in Boulder, Colorado.

"Some conservatives on FrontPageMagazine.com," he says, then clears his throat. "Some conservatives said, about my book, 'We shouldn't be celebrating this book, this guy studied with Allen Ginsberg, a pedophile.'"

Rectenwald pauses. "For God's sake, I was 19 at the time." With a shrug, "[Ginsberg] never did anything to me. I don't know if he did anything to anybody."

He tells me about Billy Burroughs, son of Beatnik William Burroughs Sr., author of "Naked Lunch," a book about heroin and cockroaches and maybe pedophilia.

Burroughs Sr. killed his wife in a drunken game of William Tell. He was trying to shoot a highball glass off her head, but missed and shot her in the face. Rectenwald tells me that Billy was there that night and saw his mother die. A few years later, William Burroughs Sr. told a young Billy that, in order to be a great writer, he needed to have an “extreme experience:" He needed to do drugs. Billy accepted the advice.

Rectenwald recalls an occasion when Ginsberg left for a trip, and asked him to look after Billy.

“I was basically charged with being a babysitter, even though he was 33 and I was much younger than him," Rectenwald says. "His health was wrecked from speed, he was a speed addict, alcoholic, and he was definitely suffering from some mental illness."

Rectenwald has a poem titled, “Billy Burroughs Junior" in "Breach," his collected poems: “Staggering along a Boulder street, paranoid, / rejected, he curses the endless / progeny of a waitress in Tom's diner. / Carrying a six-pack of Colt Malt Liquor, spinning / cane and delusionary notion / of being in the wrong century; / 3 am, psychotic, arguing with himself, / advises me to 'sleep safely,' / Christian scripture at hear."

Not long after their time together, Billy died, drunk in a ditch by a highway.

We talk about drugs. Too many good ones die from drugs — now more than ever. Then we talk about LSD.

Acid is interesting, I say.

“Yeah, but it's also dangerous in a way," he replies. “People that have tenuous psychologies, they have to be careful because they could lose it and become psychotic."

I tell him my Uncle Mike's saying: “If you've got spiders in your head, acid is going to set those bastards loose."

“Absolutely," Rectenwald says.

* * *

The woman behind the counter calls out a version of my name. At least I think it's my name. It resembles my name only enough for me to feel lazy bewilderment. She repeats it a few times. I look around. She repeats. I look around. Eventually, we make eye contact and I lift myself out of the picnic-table seat, then pull two platters off the glass counter.

I tell Rectenwald that I enjoyed reading the literary parts of "Springtime for Snowflakes." When I finished it, I wanted to know more about who he was before his years of graduate and doctoral work, when theory took over.

“Absolutely," he says. “Theory took over. It killed my art almost entirely."

Michael Rectenwald during grad school.(Courtesy of Michael Rectenwald)

All the trouble began on Facebook.

In fall 2016, Rectenwald shared an article about this student. He found the kid clever. Immediately, friends and colleagues labeled Rectenwald transphobic. People he'd always gotten along with turned against him. He describes this as his “no more" moment. That night, he began posting satirical tweets under the handle @antipcNYUprof on Twitter.

Suddenly, the outrage was everywhere he looked, especially on campuses and among his fellow academics. In his memoir, Springtime for Snowflakes: 'Social Justice' and Its Postmodern Parentage, he describes the effect of this cultural shift. Isolated, alone, he doubted his politics. He could no longer call himself a communist, not without a community.

Michael Rectenwald sits down with Glenn Beck for Glenn's podcast.(Photo by Kevin Ryan)

He writes in Springtime for Snowflakes:

As one Twitter troll put it: 'You're anti-P.C.? You must be a right- wing nut job.' But as I explained in numerous interviews and essays, I was not a Trump supporter; I was never a right-winger, or an alt-right-winger; I was never a conservative of any variety. Hell, I wasn't even a classical John Stuart Mill liberal. In fact, for several years, I had identified as a left or libertarian communist. My politics were to the left (and considerably critical of the authoritarianism) of Bolshevism! I had published essays in socialist journals on several topics, including analyses of identity politics, intersectionality theory, political economy, and the prospects for socialism in the context of transhumanism. I became a well-respected Marxist thinker and essayist. I had flirted with a Trotskyist sect, and later became affiliated with a loosely organized left or libertarian communist group.

His discontent grew. So did the cultural tensions toward discontent of his sort. When Hillary Clinton referred to Donald Trump supporters as a “basket of deplorables," Rectenwald felt disgust: His father had been an independent contractor, remodeling homes in Pittsburgh, a Reagan Democrat and father of nine; the kind of hard-working, blue-collar man that Clinton discarded as “racist, sexist, homophobic, xenophobic, Islamophobic, you name it." In defiance, Rectenwald became the “Deplorable NYU Prof."

His @antipcNYUprof Twitter account held nothing back. Here was an NYU professor excoriating NYU and professors and leftist ideologies — although, much of it also contains a conspiracy-minded paranoia that can be seen as a parody of the new far-right. He wrote about the deep state and red-pilling; he derided transgenderism, gender fluidity, socialism, Antifa.

Before long, the account caught people's attention. Nobody knew who was behind it. Was it actually an NYU professor? A writer with Washington Square News, NYU's student paper, sent the account a private message asking for an interview.

“Sure," Rectenwald replied. The article ran and, for the first time, Rectenwald linked himself publicly to the @antipcNYUprof Twitter handle. The backlash was immediate, and after that moment his life would never be the same.

* * *

Know that Rectenwald's @antipcNYUprof persona deals in verbal irony and wordplay. Even the title of "Springtime for Snowflakes;" it's a play on "Springtime for Hitler," the fictional musical from Mel Brooks' "The Producers." In it, "Springtime for Hitler" is described as "practically a love letter to Adolf Hitler," written by the character Franz Liebkind, a former Nazi and total lunatic who says things like, “Not many people know it, but the Fuhrer was a terrific dancer" and marches around his roof in Nazi regalia, sending messages via carrier pigeons to Argentina — you know, where all Nazi bigwigs hid out after the war.

What does it mean that Rectenwald changed “Hitler" to “Snowflakes"? The equivalency can't be accidental. And is it satire? The book doesn't read like satire, not the memoir portion of it, anyway. Although, at the back, he does include a selection of his most inflammatory tweets. And then there's the ending:

“So, while in this book I have used more measured and scholarly writing on the topic, my readers should not expect my Twitter or Facebook pronouncements to become less strident any time soon."

What does he mean by “measured and scholarly"?

I agree that the book is measured and scholarly, but it also has the word “snowflake" in its title. As noted on Urban Dictionary, the term is a pejorative applied to the political left, specifically to college professors and students with social justice leanings.

I wonder, is Rectenwald a satirist or a troll? Does this distinction matter anymore?

* * *

Overall, the political right has embraced Rectenwald, the same way they have with Dave Rubin, Christina Hoff Sommers, Jordan Peterson, Brett Weinstein, Joe Rogan, Cassie Jaye, and myriad other lifelong liberals who got kicked out of the tribe. As each of them knows, this sudden (and extremely public) ostracism leaves a person vulnerable. Occasionally, the "alt-right" sneaks in and takes advantage of that vulnerability. Rectenwald is self-aware. He sees the dangers of becoming a darling of the "alt-right."

“I think it's about who you are, it's not about where you appear," he tells me. “I would never go on a podcast with Richard Spencer, that's for damn sure — I don't know how that guy even lives. But I've been on some that people on the left would dub as 'alt-right.'"

Specifically, he appeared on Milo Yiannopoulos's podcast. Recently. After the left and the right deemed Yiannopoulos to be cancerous. An anti-truth provocateur. Up to no good. Out to bring chaos to a world already drowning in chaos and in need of an answer.

In the Q&A portion of "The Rubin Report," included in my profile of Dave Rubin, Rubin asked Ben Shapiro, “Any chance of a future discussion with Milo?"

“No," Shapiro replied. It got quiet for a moment. He took a drink of water, then said, “I'd rather talk with people that have something to say."

* * *

You can trace Yiannopoulos' “post-Truth" worldview and Machiavellian principles back to Saul Alinsky's "Rules for Radicals," a guidebook for political trolling, designed to teach Have-Nots how to overthrow their oppressors and take hold of power. Despite Alinsky's protestations, the book is Marxist, so it has traditionally remained a favorite of the far-left and a boogeyman of the right. Lately, as evinced by Yiannopoulos, the far-right have begun using it as well, and, depending who you ask, they've done so with great success.

Rule 5 of "Rules for Radicals" states that “Ridicule is man's most potent weapon. It is almost impossible to counterattack ridicule. Also, it infuriates the opposition, who then react to your advantage."

Elsewhere, Alinsky writes, “You can threaten the enemy and get away with it. You can insult and annoy him, but the one thing that is unforgivable and that is certain to get him to react is to laugh at him. This causes an irrational anger."

But just as much as there's a rise in Alinsky trolling, there's a satire revolution, devoted to meaningful change. Unlike the ugly-spirited bullying that Alinsky promoted, this satire is a legitimate instrument for social insight. In "A Conservative Walks Into a Bar: The Politics of Political Humor," Alison Dagnes writes, “When satire sheds light on a perceived injustice, it also references the justice that should be found instead."

Satire uses humor to highlight a cultural problem, making it a little softer, then asks us to look into the mirror. If we can laugh about it, there's a chance we can save ourselves.

So which is it? Is Rectenwald provoking chaos by any means necessary, at all costs, for selfish reasons? Or is he calling attention to a corrupt institution? Is he using ridicule for dubious reasons? Or is he bravely saying what many others are afraid to say? Is he a bully? Or is he fighting a bully?

* * *

The mystery plates of food keep arriving. We have gnawed intermittently at the tangled meal on our plates. Puttered the garlic nan into a crib of lame sauce.

“It's really tough," he says. “To make fiction work is so hard."

Rectenwald is literary. Really, it's his basis. In his short-story collection "The Thief," he mixes literary fiction with Charles Bukowski sharpness. He's a fiction writer and a professor. He brings both to bear in "Springtime for Snowflakes."

“It has a fast pace," he says, “like fiction — have you noticed that? It moves quickly."

The book has definite literary moments. Like this passage about Allen Ginsberg:

By the time I left Allen and his apartment, it was night. The stars illuminated the pastel adobe houses scattered across the Boulder mesa, which seemed to float beneath the westward mountain peaks and somehow reminded me of a desert and an ocean floor at once.

It also has academic passages:

The postmodern theoretical understanding of language as open-ended and opposed to the closure of 'totalizing' ideological systems explains postmodern politics. While postmodern theory does derive from the political left in France, it is definitely not Marxist.

He tells me that, of the two, he most enjoys the literary elements. In fact, he says, from the start, he saw the book as a literary performance that he would do once then never touch again.

“I really worked hard on the prose," he tells me. “Prose — the way words work — I'm really deeply into. That's what I'm most proud of about the book — the phrasing, the language, the writing itself, you know?" He pauses into a half-grin. “And I think — not that this is possible — I think I made postmodern theory almost comprehensible."

Then he kind of explains the joke, inadvertently adding a layer of postmodern refraction to the moment.

His eyes tilt as he tries to recall what we'd just been talking about: Trolls... Writing... Ah, the book.

“I tried really hard to crystalize things," he says, “and also not to belabor things. Just move on to something else. Just say it as clearly as possible. Then move on."

I say that he did a good job of that today in his interview with Glenn.

A flush of excitement spreads over his face.

“Oh, cool," he says, squirming a bit. “Man, that was fun. Wow. Intense, too. Yeah, that was intense. I loved it." He pauses. “That was definitely the best interview I've ever had."

You can feel this energy when you listen to the podcast. Especially the second section, which is raw with emotion. To begin with, the studio where Glen's Podcast is recorded always has a magical feel to it. Even more so for the podcast, with windshield-sized lights spidering down around a near-empty auditorium. Secretly, I enjoy seeing people's reactions to that studio. How they push through the swinging doors and suddenly it's like they're in a planetarium, with unherded stars all spread across the ceiling. Rectenwald was no exception. He looked everywhere for a moment, then made his way to the table. So much space. Three cameramen and a producer, and a couple of us perched on the stage out of frame. In the glare of lights, Rectenwald and Glenn talked about life at a table at the heart of a 10,000 square-foot room.

Every time Rectenwald revisits that span of moments, his eyebrows prop up and his chin lifts into a smile.

* * *

He spoons through the Basmati rice, chewing some orangish-black chicken. The scurry and haste of Bollywood overhead. All around, the wooden scent of baked bread as it's pulled from the oven and buttered. I gawk at Rectenwald, “Are they saying my name?"

He laughs, then returns with a plate of sequined dessert, something that was boiled in milk then frozen into the shape of a pinecone. Every new plate feels like a surprise, something ordered by a stranger.

Between spoonfuls of rice, Rectenwald recalls the time Ginsberg was squeezing a harmonium and singing poems from Romantic poet William Blake's "Songs of Innocence and Songs of Experience."

“At one point," he says, “I fell into a trance, during one of the songs, the one about the lamb. The little lamb. I had a religious experience."

We talk about Blake's "Marriage of Heaven and Hell," a strange collection of poems, full of disparity and contradiction. I tell Rectenwald that the Devil is loud in it and I always think of the line: “Without contraries is no progression."

He responds with the line: “Opposition is the best friendship."

“I feel like that's where we are as a culture, full of opposition," I say. Then I sigh journalistically, ask a high-minded question that's become a cliché: “So where do we go from here?"

“I think Glenn has a really great idea about how to fix it," he says. “That it has to be formalized, turned into a movement. Instead of a 'think tank,' how about a 'feeling tank'?"

“Bringing a sentimental element to it?" I ask.

“Yeah," he says. “Something that doesn't exclude the head, but it doesn't lead with it." He pauses to gnaw on a scatter of crumbs. “It's like Glenn and I talked about with Adam Smith's "Theory of Moral Sentiments." Moral sentiment first. That's what people forget. The father of capitalism first wrote a book about moral sentiment. That has to precede the marketplace, the establishment and maintenance of a marketplace, so that we begin from affect, from a place of charity, from and for each other."

I smile, nod, say something about life.

He replies that everything is political lately.

“It's coming from education," he adds. “It happens with education. You saw that in graduate school," he tells me, “I am confident of that, it was already starting to happen when you were there." He spoons in some glimmer of putty.

“I'm sure you saw how competitive the classroom was. Everybody's jockeying for a position with the professor. You learn which topics are going to be good for the market."

* * *

Michael Rectenwald speaks at the New York Republican Metropolitan Club.(Courtesy of Michael Rectenwald)

The man has been called some nasty things. In a multi-departmental email, a colleague repeatedly called him “SATAN." Although — as is often the case with people who REPEATEDLY emphasize words by capitalizing every letter — her opinion is somewhat unreliable, if not utterly insane.

In response to the Washington Square News article in 2016, a group of students, professors, and deans formed a 12-person committee called the Liberal Studies Diversity, Equity and Inclusion Working Group. They posted a letter to the editor. Below all the academic niceties they had a message: Rectenwald had been publicly mocking them and their ideas and their activism — and anonymously, no less — and they were pissed.

(It's important to add that, as a professor, Rectenwald appears to be overwhelmingly liked by his students, with a 4.5/5 rating on RateMyProf.)

Surprisingly, after coming out as @antipcNYUprof, Rectenwald received a promotion, but the work environment remained tense. On May 8, 2017, he boasted in a now-deleted tweet that he'd gotten a $75,000 advance to write a book about his fallout with academia.

In response, clinical assistant professor Terri Senft sent out a mass email through the NYU system to over 100 NYU staff, including Rectenwald. The subject line reads “Congrats to M. Rechtenwald on his 75K advance from St. Martin's Press!"

It starts with thinly-veiled sarcasm then bursts into full-throated activism. Reading it is like watching a gang of 4-year-olds fight in a full-sized-boxing ring, oversized gloves, shorts so big they look like a blanket. There's a recurring hint of valiance and grandiosity to many of the emails. Multiple times, people threaten to get human resources involved. Lawsuits are mentioned. Legalese is spoken. Character assassinations are made. Nearly every word bursts with anger and hostility. Years of pent-up rage spilling out over email.

Throughout the thread, Rectenwald's colleagues accuse him of being racist and sexist. They call him "alt-right." They call him a drug addict. They make judgments about his mental health and his character and who he is as a person. Nobody provides an example of Rectenwald actually acting racist or sexist or anything else, they just insist that he is.

They still have plenty of grievances, however. Assistant professor Jacqueline Bishop complains that, years ago, Rectenwald sent her an email asking for the password to her computer while she was out of town; she said no; then, she claims, Rectenwald sent an “abusive email."

Rectenwald disagrees and has repeatedly asked that Bishop release the alleged email but Bishop refuses to. Professor Carley Moore accuses him of “stare downs in the hallways." Someone accuses him of standing on a chair. Someone else accuses him of addressing them by the wrong title. Someone else claims that he bad-mouthed them to his “romantic partner."

At one point, Terri Senft writes that anyone who can't see that Rectenwald's “tactics" are caustic and dangerous should “re-read Foucault." Presumably, Senft is referring to the Foucaultian concept of power, particularly the abusive nature of institutional power — the idea that prisons, governments, courts, hospitals, and doctors and police and politicians, anybody or anything with authority, use power to assert dominance and maintain privilege — as well as Foucault's notions of discipline and punishment, and his assertion that the modern world is a patriarchal battleground governed by the Haves, who relentlessly and sadistically violate the Have-Nots. I can't say for sure, though, as professor Senft hasn't replied to my emails.

Of the 100-plus recipients of the email, only six people responded, and Michael Isaacson, known for his politics, was the only man besides Rectenwald to respond. He writes, directly to Rectenwald, “Sounds like you need a safe space, snowflake."

In one of his few responses to the thread, Rectenwald writes: “SJWs operate in pack and attack mobs. If you seek asylum from their baseless slander, libel, and defamation of character, they call you a 'snowflake,' imagining that they proffer a clever reversal."

But Bishop, an assistant professor, shows the most hostility toward Rectenwald.

“Lord, I cannot help but laugh about this," she writes. “I know this is serious stuff but it is soooo pathetic I have to laugh. … It is a pattern people and Michael Rectenwald is nothing but a COWARD and a BULLY and a total punk-ass. … People, there is NOTHING TO FEAR BUT FEAR ITSELF. … All smoke and mirrors, people. A total punk-ass."

He responded: “I consider any further contact from Jacqueline Bishop as harassment. No contact is acceptable."

Bishop disregarded Rectenwald's statement, sent several more emails. “My colleagues," she writes in one, “by Michael Rectenwald's own words we are dealing with a racist, sexist, misogynistic, adderal-filled bully. Take that to whom-ever you want to take that to you coward Michael Rectenwald. My colleagues if he tries to step to any one of you, all you need to do is step right back at him. DO NOT BE AFRAID. HE IS A COWARD AND A BULLY NOTHING MORE. SHOW HIM UP FROM THE FRAGILE WHITE MALE THAT HE IS. He comes after women of color and people he thinks has no power. NOT THIS TIME SATAN."

* * *

I ask, “What's the first novel that really impacted you?"

"The Stranger" by Camus, he tells me. A dark book, the kind you can read in an afternoon. But then you'll spend the next week shuddering, thinking about how there are no limits to Nothingness. A real funeral of a novel. (SPOILER ALERT) The guy's mom dies. He goes to the beach. Murders someone, some stranger. Gets convicted of murder. Doesn't fight it. Feels nothing. Never asks for forgiveness, doesn't ask for anything. Sentenced to death. Feels nothing. Then, somehow, to him, that nothingness signifies an awakening. His life takes meaning only when he imagines his execution in front of a crowd of hateful strangers. Book ends.

“I was about 16 or 17 when I read it," Rectenwald says. “It appealed to my feeling of always feeling — of always paying a price for independence. Personal independence. Intellectual independence. And the sense of alienation that [the main character] felt, socially and otherwise."

In the last stanza of his poem, “Via Topeka Kansas," Rectenwald writes, “This place is beginning to feel like my past. Somebody transported my being out here, while I was asleep. It seems like the autumn of my youth."

All around us, a gaudy, auto-tune pop song blares out lyrics in another language. If you muffle your ears it could be anything from anywhere. Someone is ramping a machine in the kitchen and it makes a high-pitched squeal like a leaf-blower. It's louder than the music, and it pecks with an annoying, unmusical pattern. As we get up, the metal underside of the table jerks over the floor and makes an awful groan. All this harsh sound is disorienting, and we struggle to find somewhere for the trash and the trays and the disposable cutlery.

“A lot of people liken my situation to [Camus'] "The Stranger," for some reason," Rectenwald says. “ I don't know why. For defying the herd, I guess. It's been said several times by several different people."

* * *

“When I was younger," Rectenwald says, “I liked Twain — Edgar Allen Poe. I loved Edgar Allen Poe. 'Tell-Tale Heart.'"

He wrote an essay about “The Tell-Tale Heart" as a high school freshman, and the teacher, a Jesuit priest, was convinced that it had been plagiarized. “He said it had way too much psychological insight," Rectenwald explains, then shrugs.

Rectenwald wrote poetry in the seminary. People liked it a lot. They told him to keep writing. “I wasn't any good yet," he says. “I showed promise, I guess."

When he mentions writing poetry in the seminary, I ask about Gerard Manley Hopkins, a fairly obscure Victorian poet. I tell Rectenwald that when you read Hopkins aloud, it sounds like hip-hop — which is a hell of an accomplishment for a Jesuit priest from the 19th century who wrote poems about grass, birds, and shipwrecks.

I ask Rectenwald, “What's your favorite Hopkins poem?"

“The Leaden Echo and the Golden Echo."

It's my favorite as well. Hopkins said of the poem, “I never did anything more musical." Leaden echo: bad, and everything bad, like dark and evil. Golden echo: good, and everything good, like light and Jesus. The poem fulminates with a separateness brought together. Two parts, identical yet opposite, mirrored echoes of each other becoming their own mirrored echoes, whose answer is the opposite of the original. It's the fight between life and death, youth and age, God and the Devil, Heaven and Hell, All and nothingness. It's a hell of a poem. Colin Farrell recited it at actress Elizabeth Taylor's funeral.

Here are a few lines:

Undone, done with, soon done with, and yet dearly and dangerously sweet
Of us, the wimpled-water-dimpled, not-by-morning-matchèd face,
The flower of beauty, fleece of beauty, too too apt to, ah! to fleet,
Never fleets móre, fastened with the tenderest truth
To its own best being and its loveliness of youth: it is an everlastingness of, O it is an all youth!

“Beautiful language," Rectenwald says with a gust. “Hopkins was a language master. And, yes, musical. It's musical."

We shove the door outward and, outside, the heat is immediate. The freeway traffic hums a static sound, like the shuffling fuzz as a needle falls onto an LP and the speakers are up loud. Dallas/Fort Worth Airport is a 10-minute car ride away, so the sky wiggles with stiff white missiles floating in every direction.

* * *

“So who would you be," I ask, “if you were a character in a book?"

“Alton Locke," he says. “Written by — hm. It's a 19 th Century novel. By. What's his name?" He fumbles around for it. Then gives up and pads his pocket for his phone. Outside the 7-Eleven, two different landscape crews lean against trees, swatting at flies and chugging Gatorade in the shade. Traffic has gotten busier in the past half-hour.

“Where are we going from here?" he asks, distracted by his phone.

“Around this corner," I say, “then we'll cross — and make sure we don't get run over, ha ha."

I scope the road and wait for the WALK sign. Drivers here don't give a damn about other drivers, let alone non-drivers. I pace out at the precise moment, and assume that Rectenwald is following. No way to explain it if I took the man to lunch and he got run over by a semitruck.

* * *

When I turn around, Rectenwald is standing in the middle of the road, staring down at his phone. I want to tell him that we can find out who the author is later, then I realize he's asking Siri a question.

“What happened to Mac? What happened to Mac?"

He plods tip-toe steps all the way across the road and, in this Texas heat, in this chaos, I will confess that I feel like a mother duck trying to shepherd so many ducklings across a freeway. The road quakes with the weight of trucks — trucks that, in New York City, would be part of some industrial company but, here in Texas, those are just trucks. And not even particularly big ones. Texas has gigantic trucks like the hidden depths of the Amazon has gigantic spiders.

“By God, lad, hurry," I mutter to myself, chewing at my lip. “These bloody drivers see us as a speed bump."

As soon as his feet plant into the grass, safely across the street, I exhale deeply enough that I feel physically lighter. But there's a sudden emptiness in the air and I feel awkward and just spit out a meaningless question: “So you're only here for the day, huh?"

“Mac," he's saying. “Siri, tell me about Mac." He turns to me, a bit dazed, “Something terrible happened to Mac."

“Mac Miller? The rapper?" I ask, a little confused.

“Yeah, yeah. You know him? My son is signed to his label: Remember Music. He's the greatest guy you could ever meet. We're close with his family."

“What happened to Mac?" he whispers to himself.

He turns back to his phone. “What happened to Mac Miller?" He repeats the question, a little louder each time. Siri responds with something about an email or a retired basketball player. “No, no — What happened to Mac Miller."

We stand at the bump of grass at the edge of the parking lot. From here, the studio looks like a gateway.

Rectenwald gasps: “He's dead!"

His face collapses.

He gasps.

He grunts a series of primitive noises.

“He died."

He heaves out air so hard that his mouth flubs and claps and he starts pacing around a grey Kia Optima with a stupid bumper sticker.

“What?" he says.

My first thought is that the passing cars need to be quieter, more respectful of the dead.

“Oh my God," he says.

He heaves leftward, then looks for a place. He wants to be alone. And I turn and walk toward the studios and slump onto the curb and stare straight ahead. Dead means gone forever, and gone forever means something we can't comprehend. Rectenwald's poem “The Finish Line" ends with the line: “Thank God for poetry to speak of the endless unnamed." And he's cramped into the hidden quiet between two black SUVs. Nobody else is around. Nobody, only drivers passing. I can hear him. Stare ahead. Neat white lines are parking spaces.

After a minute and a half, he walks toward me, apologizing.

I apologize back.

Right there, in the parking lot, in the heat and the shade and the commotion of traffic, I give him a hug.

“This kid was my son's best friend..." mumbling, “...just beat Stage 4 cancer and this kid was there every second," mumbling, then declarative: “This is so wrong."

He looks away for a second, then back down at his phone.

He gasps again. It has started all over again. “He died of an overdose." This news is as destructive as the original news.

“I gotta call my son," he says.

I say “yeah" and “sorry."

He stalls in front of Building Two, beneath the metal stairway. The walls are beige. Sometimes people smoke in the doorways, but mostly there's no one. The grass has a smacking, photoshopped green to it. All of the parking lot is covered by shade, because the trees are big like giant umbrellas. Nobody else walks around outside. Just me and this professor from NYU who's mourning the death of a 26-year-old rapper who dated Arianna Grande and presumably overdosed on heroin of some kind. But he's far more than that to Michael Rectenwald.

And it's an odd feeling to simultaneously know and not know the person who someone you've just met, but whose writing you know well, is mourning. Freshly tarred, the road stinks like plastic melting in a fire.

Two minutes later, Rectenwald lumbers back. He apologizes again but I tell him no. We nod. Then he says, “Let's get inside, I'm fucking sweltering."

We exchange the phrases that people exchange in such circumstances. Our apologies are far more than apologies. With each “sorry," we're facing a world that will always move fast. “Sorry" means that for all our love of words, sometimes there's nothing you could say that would mean what you need it to mean, and that's too much to deal with, so just say “sorry" and deal with this other thing, the thing that leaves you wordless when it happens.

“Tragic," he says.

“Tragic," I say.

“This fucking disease, man."

“It's a fucking disease, man." I can hear how it sounds, like a kid swearing for the first time, but the point is what will help?

The remaining 60 yards throb with a heavy silence. Nothing to say. Nothing that could be heard over the raw emotions of the moment. Why not? Nothing to say. Say it. Say what? Nothing to say. It's 4 p.m. on a Friday and a storm is coming and there's nothing to say.

We pace up the ramp to the backstage entrance. I pause for a moment before opening the door.

“You ready?" I ask. I'm asking him if he's ready, but let's all admit that, really, I'm asking myself if I'm ready because I know very little about being ready at this moment!

Inside, the studio is cold and I hand Rectenwald a bottle of water. He starts to sit down at the first couch he sees: That loopy neon green one, the Austin Powers lava-lamp sofa. Somehow, it feels disrespectful to let him mourn on such a cartoonish thing, so I wave him to a more dignified seating arrangement.

As soon as he leans back, I realize that he's sitting at the center of everything. Most of the studio's interior walls are glass, so everybody can see him. I run to my desk for a moment to grab my laptop, then linger there a moment, staring at the copy of Don DeLillo's Underworld next to my phone.

When I look up, Rectenwald is gone, the water bottle unopened and pathetic like a turd on the ground. I pick it up and take it to the guest dressing-room. He's sitting upright in a bright-red nylon chair, in a room full of mirrors.

I bet if you find the right angle, the mirrors will make an echo effect — an infinite number of Rectenwalds past an infinite number of you.

Why do Americans feel so empty?

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Anxiety, anger, and chronic dissatisfaction signal a country searching for meaning. Without truth and purpose, politics becomes a dangerous substitute for identity.

We have built a world overflowing with noise, convenience, and endless choice, yet something essential has slipped out of reach. You can sense it in the restless mood of the country, the anxiety among young people who cannot explain why they feel empty, in the angry confusion that dominates our politics.

We have more wealth than any nation in history, but the heart of the culture feels strangely malnourished. Before we can debate debt or elections, we must confront the reality that we created a world of things, but not a world of purpose.

You cannot survive a crisis you refuse to name, and you cannot rebuild a world whose foundations you no longer understand.

What we are living through is not just economic or political dysfunction. It is the vacuum that appears when a civilization mistakes abundance for meaning.

Modern life is stuffed with everything except what the human soul actually needs. We built systems to make life faster, easier, and more efficient — and then wondered why those systems cannot teach our children who they are, why they matter, or what is worth living for.

We tell the next generation to chase success, influence, and wealth, turning childhood into branding. We ask kids what they want to do, not who they want to be. We build a world wired for dopamine rather than dignity, and then we wonder why so many people feel unmoored.

When everything is curated, optimized, and delivered at the push of a button, the question “what is my life for?” gets lost in the static.

The crisis beneath the headlines

It is not just the young who feel this crisis. Every part of our society is straining under the weight of meaninglessness.

Look at the debt cycle — the mathematical fate no civilization has ever escaped once it crosses a threshold that we seem to have already blown by. While ordinary families feel the pressure, our leaders respond with distraction, with denial, or by rewriting the very history that could have warned us.

You cannot survive a crisis you refuse to name, and you cannot rebuild a world whose foundations you no longer understand.

We have entered a cultural moment where the noise is so loud that it drowns out the simplest truths. We are living in a country that no longer knows how to hear itself think.

So people go searching. Some drift toward the false promise of socialism, some toward the empty thrill of rebellion. Some simply check out. When a culture forgets what gives life meaning, it becomes vulnerable to every ideology that offers a quick answer.

The quiet return of meaning

And yet, quietly, something else is happening. Beneath the frustration and cynicism, many Americans are recognizing that meaning does not come from what we own, but from what we honor. It does not rise from success, but from virtue. It does not emerge from noise, but from the small, sacred things that modern life has pushed to the margins — the home, the table, the duty you fulfill, the person you help when no one is watching.

The danger is assuming that this rediscovery happens on its own. It does not.

Reorientation requires intention. It requires rebuilding the habits and virtues that once held us together. It requires telling the truth about our history instead of rewriting it to fit today’s narratives. And it requires acknowledging what has been erased: that meaning is inseparable from God’s presence in a nation’s life.

Harold M. Lambert / Contributor | Getty Images

Where renewal begins

We have built a world without stillness, and then we wondered why no one can hear the questions that matter. Those questions remain, whether we acknowledge them or not. They do not disappear just because we drown them in entertainment or noise. They wait for us, and the longer we ignore them, the more disoriented we become.

Meaning is still available. It is found in rebuilding the smallest, most human spaces — the places that cannot be digitized, globalized, or automated. The home. The family. The community.

These are the daily virtues that do not trend on social media, but that hold a civilization upright. If we want to repair this country, we begin there, exactly where every durable civilization has always begun: one virtue at a time, one tradition at a time, one generation at a time.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

A break in trust: A NEW Watergate is brewing in plain sight

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When institutions betray the public’s trust, the country splits, and the spiral is hard to stop.

Something drastic is happening in American life. Headlines that should leave us stunned barely register anymore. Stories that once would have united the country instead dissolve into silence or shrugs.

It is not apathy exactly. It is something deeper — a growing belief that the people in charge either cannot or will not fix what is broken.

When people feel ignored or betrayed, they will align with anyone who appears willing to fight on their behalf.

I call this response the Bubba effect. It describes what happens when institutions lose so much public trust that “Bubba,” the average American minding his own business, finally throws his hands up and says, “Fine. I will handle it myself.” Not because he wants to, but because the system that was supposed to protect him now feels indifferent, corrupt, or openly hostile.

The Bubba effect is not a political movement. It is a survival instinct.

What triggers the Bubba effect

We are watching the triggers unfold in real time. When members of Congress publicly encourage active duty troops to disregard orders from the commander in chief, that is not a political squabble. When a federal judge quietly rewrites the rules so one branch of government can secretly surveil another, that is not normal. That is how republics fall. Yet these stories glided across the news cycle without urgency, without consequence, without explanation.

When the American people see the leadership class shrug, they conclude — correctly — that no one is steering the ship.

This is how the Bubba effect spreads. It is not just individuals resisting authority. It is sheriffs refusing to enforce new policies, school boards ignoring state mandates, entire communities saying, “We do not believe you anymore.” It becomes institutional, cultural, national.

A country cracking from the inside

This effect can be seen in Dearborn, Michigan. In the rise of fringe voices like Nick Fuentes. In the Epstein scandal, where powerful people could not seem to locate a single accountable adult. These stories are different in content but identical in message: The system protects itself, not you.

When people feel ignored or betrayed, they will align with anyone who appears willing to fight on their behalf. That does not mean they suddenly agree with everything that person says. It means they feel abandoned by the institutions that were supposed to be trustworthy.

The Bubba effect is what fills that vacuum.

The dangers of a faithless system

A republic cannot survive without credibility. Congress cannot oversee intelligence agencies if it refuses to discipline its own members. The military cannot remain apolitical if its chain of command becomes optional. The judiciary cannot defend the Constitution while inventing loopholes that erase the separation of powers.

History shows that once a nation militarizes politics, normalizes constitutional shortcuts, or allows government agencies to operate without scrutiny, it does not return to equilibrium peacefully. Something will give.

The question is what — and when.

The responsibility now belongs to us

In a healthy country, this is where the media steps in. This is where universities, pastors, journalists, and cultural leaders pause the outrage machine and explain what is at stake. But today, too many see themselves not as guardians of the republic, but of ideology. Their first loyalty is to narrative, not truth.

The founders never trusted the press more than the public. They trusted citizens who understood their rights, lived their responsibilities, and demanded accountability. That is the antidote to the Bubba effect — not rage, but citizenship.

How to respond without breaking ourselves

Do not riot. Do not withdraw. Do not cheer on destruction just because you dislike the target. That is how nations lose themselves. Instead, demand transparency. Call your representatives. Insist on consequences. Refuse to normalize constitutional violations simply because “everyone does it.” If you expect nothing, you will get nothing.

Do not hand your voice to the loudest warrior simply because he is swinging a bat at the establishment. You do not beat corruption by joining a different version of it. You beat it by modeling the country you want to preserve: principled, accountable, rooted in truth.

Adam Gray / Stringer | Getty Images

Every republic reaches a moment when historians will later say, “That was the warning.” We are living in ours. But warnings are gifts if they are recognized. Institutions bend. People fail. The Constitution can recover — if enough Americans still know and cherish it.

It does not take a majority. Twenty percent of the country — awake, educated, and courageous — can reset the system. It has happened before. It can happen again.

Wake up. Stand up. Demand integrity — from leaders, from institutions, and from yourself. Because the Bubba effect will not end until Americans reclaim the duty that has always belonged to them: preserving the republic for the next generation.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

Warning: Stop letting TikTok activists think for you

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Bad-faith attacks on Israel and AIPAC warp every debate. Real answers emerge only when people set aside scripts and ask what serves America’s long-term interests.

The search for truth has always required something very much in short supply these days: honesty. Not performative questions, not scripted outrage, not whatever happens to be trending on TikTok, but real curiosity.

Some issues, often focused on foreign aid, AIPAC, or Israel, have become hotbeds of debate and disagreement. Before we jump into those debates, however, we must return to a simpler, more important issue: honest questioning. Without it, nothing in these debates matters.

Ask questions because you want the truth, not because you want a target.

The phrase “just asking questions” has re-entered the zeitgeist, and that’s fine. We should always question power. But too many of those questions feel preloaded with someone else’s answer. If the goal is truth, then the questions should come from a sincere desire to understand, not from a hunt for a villain.

Honest desire for truth is the only foundation that can support a real conversation about these issues.

Truth-seeking is real work

Right now, plenty of people are not seeking the truth at all. They are repeating something they heard from a politician on cable news or from a stranger on TikTok who has never opened a history book. That is not a search for answers. That is simply outsourcing your own thought.

If you want the truth, you need to work for it. You cannot treat the world like a Marvel movie where the good guy appears in a cape and the villain hisses on command. Real life does not give you a neat script with the moral wrapped up in two hours.

But that is how people are approaching politics now. They want the oppressed and the oppressor, the heroic underdog and the cartoon villain. They embrace this fantastical framing because it is easier than wrestling with reality.

This framing took root in the 1960s when the left rebuilt its worldview around colonizers and the colonized. Overnight, Zionism was recast as imperialism. Suddenly, every conflict had to fit the same script. Today’s young activists are just recycling the same narrative with updated graphics. Everything becomes a morality play. No nuance, no context, just the comforting clarity of heroes and villains.

Bad-faith questions

This same mindset is fueling the sudden obsession with Israel, and the American Israel Public Affairs Committee in particular. You hear it from members of Congress and activists alike: AIPAC pulls the strings, AIPAC controls the government, AIPAC should register as a foreign agent under the Foreign Agents Registration Act. The questions are dramatic, but are they being asked in good faith?

FARA is clear. The standard is whether an individual or group acts under the direction or control of a foreign government. AIPAC simply does not qualify.

Here is a detail conveniently left out of these arguments: Dozens of domestic organizations — Armenian, Cuban, Irish, Turkish — lobby Congress on behalf of other countries. None of them registers under FARA because — like AIPAC — they are independent, domestic organizations.

If someone has a sincere problem with the structure of foreign lobbying, fair enough. Let us have that conversation. But singling out AIPAC alone is not a search for truth. It is bias dressed up as bravery.

Anadolu / Contributor | Getty Images

If someone wants to question foreign aid to Israel, fine. Let’s have that debate. But let’s ask the right questions. The issue is not the size of the package but whether the aid advances our interests. What does the United States gain? Does the investment strengthen our position in the region? How does it compare to what we give other nations? And do we examine those countries with the same intensity?

The real target

These questions reflect good-faith scrutiny. But narrowing the entire argument to one country or one dollar amount misses the larger problem. If someone objects to the way America handles foreign aid, the target is not Israel. The target is the system itself — an entrenched bureaucracy, poor transparency, and decades-old commitments that have never been re-examined. Those problems run through programs around the world.

If you want answers, you need to broaden the lens. You have to be willing to put aside the movie script and confront reality. You have to hold yourself to a simple rule: Ask questions because you want the truth, not because you want a target.

That is the only way this country ever gets clarity on foreign aid, influence, alliances, and our place in the world. Questioning is not just allowed. It is essential. But only if it is honest.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

The melting pot fails when we stop agreeing to melt

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Texas now hosts Quran-first academies, Sharia-compliant housing schemes, and rapidly multiplying mosques — all part of a movement building a self-contained society apart from the country around it.

It is time to talk honestly about what is happening inside America’s rapidly growing Muslim communities. In city after city, large pockets of newcomers are choosing to build insulated enclaves rather than enter the broader American culture.

That trend is accelerating, and the longer we ignore it, the harder it becomes to address.

As Texas goes, so goes America. And as America goes, so goes the free world.

America has always welcomed people of every faith and people from every corner of the world, but the deal has never changed: You come here and you join the American family. You are free to honor your traditions, keep your faith, but you must embrace the Constitution as the supreme law of the land. You melt into the shared culture that allows all of us to live side by side.

Across the country, this bargain is being rejected by Islamist communities that insist on building a parallel society with its own rules, its own boundaries, and its own vision for how life should be lived.

Texas illustrates the trend. The state now has roughly 330 mosques. At least 48 of them were built in just the last 24 months. The Dallas-Fort Worth metroplex alone has around 200 Islamic centers. Houston has another hundred or so. Many of these communities have no interest in blending into American life.

This is not the same as past waves of immigration. Irish, Italian, Korean, Mexican, and every other group arrived with pride in their heritage. Still, they also raised American flags and wanted their children to be part of the country’s future. They became doctors, small-business owners, teachers, and soldiers. They wanted to be Americans.

What we are watching now is not the melting pot. It is isolation by design.

Parallel societies do not end well

More than 300 fundamentalist Islamic schools now operate full-time across the country. Many use Quran-first curricula that require students to spend hours memorizing religious texts before they ever reach math or science. In Dallas, Brighter Horizons Academy enrolls more than 1,700 students and draws federal support while operating on a social model that keeps children culturally isolated.

Then there is the Epic City project in Collin and Hunt counties — 402 acres originally designated only for Muslim buyers, with Sharia-compliant financing and a mega-mosque at the center. After public outcry and state investigations, the developers renamed it “The Meadows,” but a new sign does not erase the original intent. It is not a neighborhood. It is a parallel society.

Americans should not hesitate to say that parallel societies are dangerous. Europe tried this experiment, and the results could not be clearer. In Germany, France, and the United Kingdom, entire neighborhoods now operate under their own cultural rules, some openly hostile to Western norms. When citizens speak up, they are branded bigots for asserting a basic right: the ability to live safely in their own communities.

A crisis of confidence

While this separation widens, another crisis is unfolding at home. A recent Gallup survey shows that about 40% of American women ages 18 to 39 would leave the country permanently if given the chance. Nearly half of a rising generation — daughters, sisters, soon-to-be mothers — no longer believe this nation is worth building a future in.

And who shapes the worldview of young boys? Their mothers. If a mother no longer believes America is home, why would her child grow up ready to defend it?

As Texas goes, so goes America. And as America goes, so goes the free world. If we lose confidence in our own national identity at the same time that we allow separatist enclaves to spread unchecked, the outcome is predictable. Europe is already showing us what comes next: cultural fracture, political radicalization, and the slow death of national unity.

Brandon Bell / Staff | Getty Images

Stand up and tell the truth

America welcomes Muslims. America defends their right to worship freely. A Muslim who loves the Constitution, respects the rule of law, and wants to raise a family in peace is more than welcome in America.

But an Islamist movement that rejects assimilation, builds enclaves governed by its own religious framework, and treats American law as optional is not simply another participant in our melting pot. It is a direct challenge to it. If we refuse to call this problem out out of fear of being called names, we will bear the consequences.

Europe is already feeling those consequences — rising conflict and a political class too paralyzed to admit the obvious. When people feel their culture, safety, and freedoms slipping away, they will follow anyone who promises to defend them. History has shown that over and over again.

Stand up. Speak plainly. Be unafraid. You can practice any faith in this country, but the supremacy of the Constitution and the Judeo-Christian moral framework that shaped it is non-negotiable. It is what guarantees your freedom in the first place.

If you come here and honor that foundation, welcome. If you come here to undermine it, you do not belong here.

Wake up to what is unfolding before the consequences arrive. Because when a nation refuses to say what is true, the truth eventually forces its way in — and by then, it is always too late.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.