The History of Labor Day – and Why It Matters for Our Future

Did you know that the history of Labor Day is both socialist and racist? People wanted labor unions in the 1800s because factory working conditions were horrifying, and socialists exploited their pain for an agenda, something that we now commemorate each September. On radio Tuesday, Glenn explored the history of the holiday and its implications for our future.

“They want to take the downtrodden, and they want to turn them into revolutionaries who will level the playing field by the redistribution of wealth,” Glenn said. “It’s the same story that’s happening today was happening back in the 1800s.”

Marxists got a “foot in the door” by taking advantage of the terrible working conditions of the time. Peter McGuire, an influential advocate for unions who is known as the “father” of Labor Day, selected Sept. 5 as the date for the first labor parade since it was halfway between Independence Day and Thanksgiving.

Even though they were pretending to fight for every worker, early labor activists limited their advocacy based on race.

“The labor unions now are using this and saying ‘All laborers matter, all labor lives matter,’” Glenn explained the activism of the time. “Well, except if you’re black or you’re Asian or you’re Irish; then we don’t accept you.”

This article provided courtesy of TheBlaze.

GLENN: On the president's plate now: Hurricane Harvey. $8 million he needs from Congress. He's got to get Congress to move the debt limit. The investigations are continuing on Russia. He now has Korea. He has -- another thing he's dealing with: Keith Schiller, his former bodyguard, he apparently is crushed by the departure of this man who has been by his side forever. He's got a lot going on his plate. And then we have Antifa. Do we have an update on Antifa, what happened this weekend?

STU: Well, the LA -- California is now trying to classify them as a street gang, which is -- the Berkeley mayor said Antifa is no different than a street gang. However, I totally disagree with that. It's much, much worse than a street gang, but, yes, it's similar.

GLENN: Have you noticed though that they're starting to turn? Everybody is starting to turn on Antifa, which is a really good thing. Well, not everybody is starting to turn. They're starting -- they're slowly coming to this.

STU: When you've lost Nancy Pelosi though, that is a big moment in your life.

GLENN: You've lost a lot.

Let me share something with you that yesterday we celebrated Labor Day. And do we even know what we were really even celebrating? Do we even know this came from Canada? It's Marxist. It was a union strike. Riots. Death.

And the very first time. We've heard this in every movie. You know, I've watched Air Force One. "Mr. President, we cannot negotiate with terrorists."

Do you realize that this, that Labor Day is our negotiation with terrorists? That's the only reason why we have this.

In the late 1800s, Americans started to gravitate toward labor unions. And we did it because everything in factories were horrible. The factories and the mines, all of the things that were fueling the second industrial revolution. Unions were needed because people were working 12-hour, 15-hour workdays, seven-day workweeks. There was no compensation if you were hurt on the job. You had low wages. No benefits. Inadequate breaks. They were filthy, dangerous workspaces. You want to talk about a safe space -- I don't think there was any.

And the problem was, is America went through a change kind of exactly the way it's going through right now, to where it's leaving a whole group of people behind because we haven't figured it out yet. So in the late 1800s, the Industrial Revolution was leaving a whole group of people behind. And this is where Marxism, Marxist, socialist, the Antifas of the world, this is their sweet spot, because there's a sense of basic unfairness.

And it's down at the bottom. And that is the point that Marxists like to make. Get the bottom to rise up.

They want to take the downtrodden. And they want to turn them into revolutionaries, who will level the playing field by the redistribution of wealth. It's the same story that was -- that's happening today, was happening back in the 1800s. So the factory working conditions, and the fact that some people were making a lot of money, and some people were working seven days a week and they didn't have anything, gave Marxists a foot in the door.

And this is where a guy who most Americans have never even heard of, Paul -- no, Peter J. McGuire. This is where he comes in. He was living in New York City. He was an Irish Catholic from New York. He was a devout Marxist. Here is 1874. He cofounds the Social Democratic Working Party of North America. That's the first communist, Marxist political party in the US.

He also founded something that we all know because we still have it today. He was the cofounder of the American Federation of Labor. The AFL. AFL-CIO. This became the most powerful union in the country. And his goal, stated, was to convert and transform America to a socialist nation through labor unions. So this is sweeping the entire West because of the Industrial Revolution. And labor officials up in Toronto, Canada, invite this guy and say, you got to come up. We have this labor festival that you're going to love. And we've been doing this for ten years now. You guys have to do this.

And so McGuire goes up and he loves it. He comes back and he's like, we have to have a parade. Now, imagine, you're a coal miner. And you're like, "You're going to have a, what?"

"We've got to have a parade." So he picks the day of the parade as September 5th. And the reason why is because he felt it fell halfway between Independence Day and Thanksgiving. I didn't even know this part of the story.

So the parade was a hit. Thirty-thousand-plus marchers skipped the work for the day in New York. They listened to speeches. The last thing I'm going to do on my day off is listen to a bunch of speeches about 8-hour workdays and how Marxism is going to heal the world, et cetera, et cetera, et cetera. And then they have a big parade in New York City. It becomes huge, and it becomes an annual event. And it catches on all around the country, and the labor unions now are using this and saying, "All labor is matter. All labor lives matter." Well, except if you're black or you're Asian or you're Irish, then we don't accept you into the AFL. But other than that, all laborers matter.

Did I forget to tell you the Marxist that started the labor unions -- before you build a statue, we should probably tear it down, because he was a wild racist. Five years go by, Labor Day is now an official holiday in 30 states. But they can't get the United States government to declare it a holiday. Because at that point, we're not declaring holidays as the federal government. States can do whatever you want. It's 1894. And there is a strike done by the AFL that is huge. And it changes the way America looks at September 5th.

It was in Pullman, Illinois. Now, if you've ever heard the name Pullman before, it might be because you know George Pullman. You know Pullman, Illinois. Most likely, you know it because of the Pullman train car. I don't think I could tell you what Pullman train car was, other than it was the best train car made. And I think it was a sleeping car.

Well, who has got the money to stay in those sleeping cars? Oh, my gosh. It's the wealthy people.

So 1894, the economy tanks. And things get really bad. And Pullman, who is this capitalist who actually has a -- from what I understand, has a pretty good relationship with his -- with his people, because he's done kind of what the Cadbury people did. Yeah, the chocolate people over in England. And that is, they saw that Marxism was not the answer. But they also saw that there were problems. And so Cadbury went, and they built themselves a town. And they put doctors in the town. And everybody who worked there could live in the town. Well, Pullman does kind of the same thing, except his heart is not really in it.

So when the economy collapses, he of mind to lay off hundreds of people. And then anybody who remained, he had to lower their wages. But he also was their landlord. And the landlord side of him was like, "I don't being what happened at your job. That doesn't affect me." And so he didn't lower the rent for any of the company houses.

This is what opened the terror for the Marxists to come in. The evil capitalists can't get away with that. They had to shut him down. So the workers went on strike. And all of the sympathetic railroad workers around the country joined in. And then just like it does in Berkeley -- just like it happens every single time: a Marxist, socialist rally turns violent -- turns violent. And rioting sets in. They burn hundreds of these rail cars.

The unrest cripples the railroad industry, shuts down the railroad, shuts down the delivery of the US mail. And one of the worst, Grover Cleveland, gets involved. He's president at the time. And he decides he's going to send in 12,000 troops into Chicago to break the strike.

How does that work out? Just like you would imagine. The troops and strikers, they start to exchange fire. Two strikers are killed.

Now, why doesn't president Cleveland have people on his side? Because there was a problem. People were hungry. People weren't looking at reason anymore. And they were seeing people get rich, while they were being screwed. It's the only reason why the labor unions were necessary. Because there was a need for somebody to stand up.

President Cleveland is -- this is not a good response. And he's now in crisis. And it's also a midterm election year. And the Democrats don't want to lose. So what does Cleveland do?

As he's getting ready to pull the troops out? He holds negotiations, and Congress rams through a bill to make Labor Day a federal holiday. We negotiated with the terrorists. We said, "If you pull out, we'll not only help you with Pullman, but we'll also make Labor Day a national holiday." Of course, we don't negotiate with terrorists. So we're going to wait a whole six days after the strike was broken. Then we'll do it. But those are two -- they're completely unrelated.

The Marxist terrorists had torched the railways. The trains across the country had stopped. And the president delivered his first gift.

What we celebrated yesterday was a Canadian idea, copied in America, by the Marxist founder of the American Socialist Party. And the AFL. It was made a federal holiday by a Congress and president trying just to save face and win votes in an election year. And it was the very first of countless bones that the Democratic Party would throw to labor unions over the next century.

Oh, and, by the way, Peter J. McGuire, the Marxist, racist, anti-immigrant, cofounder of the American Socialist Party, AFL, in 1901, it ended for him the way it usually ends for these guys. Either in a violent death or going to jail. In 1901, he was arrested for embezzling union funds. Stealing from the workers. Because I guess for some people, socialism, eh, it moves too slowly in the redistribution of wealth.

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How America’s elites fell for the same lie that fueled Auschwitz

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The drone footage out of Gaza isn’t just war propaganda — it’s a glimpse of the same darkness that once convinced men they were righteous for killing innocents.

Evil introduces itself subtly. It doesn’t announce, “Hi, I’m here to destroy you.” It whispers. It flatters. It borrows the language of justice, empathy, and freedom, twisting them until hatred sounds righteous and violence sounds brave.

We are watching that same deception unfold again — in the streets, on college campuses, and in the rhetoric of people who should know better. It’s the oldest story in the world, retold with new slogans.

Evil wins when good people mirror its rage.

A drone video surfaced this week showing Hamas terrorists staging the “discovery” of a hostage’s body. They pushed a corpse out of a window, dragged it into a hole, buried it, and then called in aid workers to “find” what they themselves had planted. It was theater — evil, disguised as victimhood. And it was caught entirely on camera.

That’s how evil operates. It never comes in through the front door. It sneaks in, often through manipulative pity. The same spirit animates the moral rot spreading through our institutions — from the halls of universities to the chambers of government.

Take Zohran Mamdani, a New York assemblyman who has praised jihadists and defended pro-Hamas agitators. His father, a Columbia University professor, wrote that America and al-Qaeda are morally equivalent — that suicide bombings shouldn’t be viewed as barbaric. Imagine thinking that way after watching 3,000 Americans die on 9/11. That’s not intellectualism. That’s indoctrination.

Often, that indoctrination comes from hostile foreign actors, peddled by complicit pawns on our own soil. The pro-Hamas protests that erupted across campuses last year, for example, were funded by Iran — a regime that murders its own citizens for speaking freely.

Ancient evil, new clothes

But the deeper danger isn’t foreign money. It’s the spiritual blindness that lets good people believe resentment is justice and envy is discernment. Scripture talks about the spirit of Amalek — the eternal enemy of God’s people, who attacks the weak from behind while the strong look away. Amalek never dies; it just changes its vocabulary and form with the times.

Today, Amalek tweets. He speaks through professors who defend terrorism as “anti-colonial resistance.” He preaches from pulpits that call violence “solidarity.” And he recruits through algorithms, whispering that the Jews control everything, that America had it coming, that chaos is freedom. Those are ancient lies wearing new clothes.

When nations embrace those lies, it’s not the Jews who perish first. It’s the nations themselves. The soul dies long before the body. The ovens of Auschwitz didn’t start with smoke; they started with silence and slogans.

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A time for choosing

So what do we do? We speak truth — calmly, firmly, without venom. Because hatred can’t kill hatred; it only feeds it. Truth, compassion, and courage starve it to death.

Evil wins when good people mirror its rage. That’s how Amalek survives — by making you fight him with his own weapons. The only victory that lasts is moral clarity without malice, courage without cruelty.

The war we’re fighting isn’t new. It’s the same battle between remembrance and amnesia, covenant and chaos, humility and pride. The same spirit that whispered to Pharaoh, to Hitler, and to every mob that thought hatred could heal the world is whispering again now — on your screens, in your classrooms, in your churches.

Will you join it, or will you stand against it?

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

The great switch: Gates trades climate control for digital dominion

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The Big Tech billionaire once said humanity must change or perish. Now he claims we’ll survive — just as elites prepare total surveillance.

For decades, Americans have been told that climate change is an imminent apocalypse — the existential threat that justifies every intrusion into our lives, from banning gas stoves to rationing energy to tracking personal “carbon scores.”

Microsoft co-founder Bill Gates helped lead that charge. He warned repeatedly that the “climate disaster” would be the greatest crisis humanity would ever face. He invested billions in green technology and demanded the world reach net-zero emissions by 2050 “to avoid catastrophe.”

The global contest is no longer over barrels and pipelines — it is over who gets to flip the digital switch.

Now, suddenly, he wants everyone to relax: Climate change “will not lead to humanity’s demise” after all.

Gates was making less of a scientific statement and more of a strategic pivot. When elites retire a crisis, it’s never because the threat is gone — it’s because a better one has replaced it. And something else has indeed arrived — something the ruling class finds more useful than fear of the weather.The same day Gates downshifted the doomsday rhetoric, Amazon announced it would pay warehouse workers $30 an hour — while laying off 30,000 people because artificial intelligence will soon do their jobs.

Climate panic was the warm-up. AI control is the main event.

The new currency of power

The world once revolved around oil and gas. Today, it revolves around the electricity demanded by server farms, the chips that power machine learning, and the data that can be used to manipulate or silence entire populations. The global contest is no longer over barrels and pipelines — it is over who gets to flip the digital switch. Whoever controls energy now controls information. And whoever controls information controls civilization.

Climate alarmism gave elites a pretext to centralize power over energy. Artificial intelligence gives them a mechanism to centralize power over people. The future battles will not be about carbon — they will be about control.

Two futures — both ending in tyranny

Americans are already being pushed into what look like two opposing movements, but both leave the individual powerless.

The first is the technocratic empire being constructed in the name of innovation. In its vision, human work will be replaced by machines, and digital permissions will subsume personal autonomy.

Government and corporations merge into a single authority. Your identity, finances, medical decisions, and speech rights become access points monitored by biometric scanners and enforced by automated gatekeepers. Every step, purchase, and opinion is tracked under the noble banner of “efficiency.”

The second is the green de-growth utopia being marketed as “compassion.” In this vision, prosperity itself becomes immoral. You will own less because “the planet” requires it. Elites will redesign cities so life cannot extend beyond a 15-minute walking radius, restrict movement to save the Earth, and ration resources to curb “excess.” It promises community and simplicity, but ultimately delivers enforced scarcity. Freedom withers when surviving becomes a collective permission rather than an individual right.

Both futures demand that citizens become manageable — either automated out of society or tightly regulated within it. The ruling class will embrace whichever version gives them the most leverage in any given moment.

Climate panic was losing its grip. AI dependency — and the obedience it creates — is far more potent.

The forgotten way

A third path exists, but it is the one today’s elites fear most: the path laid out in our Constitution. The founders built a system that assumes human beings are not subjects to be monitored or managed, but moral agents equipped by God with rights no government — and no algorithm — can override.

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That idea remains the most “disruptive technology” in history. It shattered the belief that people need kings or experts or global committees telling them how to live. No wonder elites want it erased.

Soon, you will be told you must choose: Live in a world run by machines or in a world stripped down for planetary salvation. Digital tyranny or rationed equality. Innovation without liberty or simplicity without dignity.

Both are traps.

The only way

The only future worth choosing is the one grounded in ordered liberty — where prosperity and progress exist alongside moral responsibility and personal freedom and human beings are treated as image-bearers of God — not climate liabilities, not data profiles, not replaceable hardware components.

Bill Gates can change his tune. The media can change the script. But the agenda remains the same.

They no longer want to save the planet. They want to run it, and they expect you to obey.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

Why the White House restoration sent the left Into panic mode

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Presidents have altered the White House for decades, yet only Donald Trump is treated as a vandal for privately funding the East Wing’s restoration.

Every time a president so much as changes the color of the White House drapes, the press clutches its pearls. Unless the name on the stationery is Barack Obama’s, even routine restoration becomes a national outrage.

President Donald Trump’s decision to privately fund upgrades to the White House — including a new state ballroom — has been met with the usual chorus of gasps and sneers. You’d think he bulldozed Monticello.

If a Republican preserves beauty, it’s vandalism. If a Democrat does the same, it’s ‘visionary.’

The irony is that presidents have altered and expanded the White House for more than a century. President Franklin D. Roosevelt added the East and West Wings in the middle of the Great Depression. Newspapers accused him of building a palace while Americans stood in breadlines. History now calls it “vision.”

First lady Nancy Reagan faced the same hysteria. Headlines accused her of spending taxpayer money on new china “while Americans starved.” In truth, she raised private funds after learning that the White House didn’t have enough matching plates for state dinners. She took the ridicule and refused to pass blame.

“I’m a big girl,” she told her staff. “This comes with the job.” That was dignity — something the press no longer recognizes.

A restoration, not a renovation

Trump’s project is different in every way that should matter. It costs taxpayers nothing. Not a cent. The president and a few friends privately fund the work. There’s no private pool or tennis court, no personal perks. The additions won’t even be completed until after he leaves office.

What’s being built is not indulgence — it’s stewardship. A restoration of aging rooms, worn fixtures, and century-old bathrooms that no longer function properly in the people’s house. Trump has paid for cast brass doorknobs engraved with the presidential seal, restored the carpets and moldings, and ensured that the architecture remains faithful to history.

The media’s response was mockery and accusations of vanity. They call it “grotesque excess,” while celebrating billion-dollar “climate art” projects and funneling hundreds of millions into activist causes like the No Kings movement. They lecture America on restraint while living off the largesse of billionaires.

The selective guardians of history

Where was this sudden reverence for history when rioters torched St. John’s Church — the same church where every president since James Madison has worshipped? The press called it an “expression of grief.”

Where was that reverence when mobs toppled statues of Washington, Jefferson, and Grant? Or when first lady Melania Trump replaced the Rose Garden’s lawn with a patio but otherwise followed Jackie Kennedy’s original 1962 plans in the garden’s restoration? They called that “desecration.”

If a Republican preserves beauty, it’s vandalism. If a Democrat does the same, it’s “visionary.”

The real desecration

The people shrieking about “historic preservation” care nothing for history. They hate the idea that something lasting and beautiful might be built by hands they despise. They mock craftsmanship because it exposes their own cultural decay.

The White House ballroom is not a scandal — it’s a mirror. And what it reflects is the media’s own pettiness. The ruling class that ridicules restoration is the same class that cheered as America’s monuments fell. Its members sneer at permanence because permanence condemns them.

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Trump’s improvements are an act of faith — in the nation’s symbols, its endurance, and its worth. The outrage over a privately funded renovation says less about him than it does about the journalists who mistake destruction for progress.

The real desecration isn’t happening in the East Wing. It’s happening in the newsrooms that long ago tore up their own foundation — truth — and never bothered to rebuild it.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

Trump’s secret war in the Caribbean EXPOSED — It’s not about drugs

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The president’s moves in Venezuela, Guyana, and Colombia aren’t about drugs. They’re about re-establishing America’s sovereignty across the Western Hemisphere.

For decades, we’ve been told America’s wars are about drugs, democracy, or “defending freedom.” But look closer at what’s unfolding off the coast of Venezuela, and you’ll see something far more strategic taking shape. Donald Trump’s so-called drug war isn’t about fentanyl or cocaine. It’s about control — and a rebirth of American sovereignty.

The aim of Trump’s ‘drug war’ is to keep the hemisphere’s oil, minerals, and manufacturing within the Western family and out of Beijing’s hands.

The president understands something the foreign policy class forgot long ago: The world doesn’t respect apologies. It respects strength.

While the global elites in Davos tout the Great Reset, Trump is building something entirely different — a new architecture of power based on regional independence, not global dependence. His quiet campaign in the Western Hemisphere may one day be remembered as the second Monroe Doctrine.

Venezuela sits at the center of it all. It holds the world’s largest crude oil reserves — oil perfectly suited for America’s Gulf refineries. For years, China and Russia have treated Venezuela like a pawn on their chessboard, offering predatory loans in exchange for control of those resources. The result has been a corrupt, communist state sitting in our own back yard. For too long, Washington shrugged. Not any more.The naval exercises in the Caribbean, the sanctions, the patrols — they’re not about drug smugglers. They’re about evicting China from our hemisphere.

Trump is using the old “drug war” playbook to wage a new kind of war — an economic and strategic one — without firing a shot at our actual enemies. The goal is simple: Keep the hemisphere’s oil, minerals, and manufacturing within the Western family and out of Beijing’s hands.

Beyond Venezuela

Just east of Venezuela lies Guyana, a country most Americans couldn’t find on a map a year ago. Then ExxonMobil struck oil, and suddenly Guyana became the newest front in a quiet geopolitical contest. Washington is helping defend those offshore platforms, build radar systems, and secure undersea cables — not for charity, but for strategy. Control energy, data, and shipping lanes, and you control the future.

Moreover, Colombia — a country once defined by cartels — is now positioned as the hinge between two oceans and two continents. It guards the Panama Canal and sits atop rare-earth minerals every modern economy needs. Decades of American presence there weren’t just about cocaine interdiction; they were about maintaining leverage over the arteries of global trade. Trump sees that clearly.

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All of these recent news items — from the military drills in the Caribbean to the trade negotiations — reflect a new vision of American power. Not global policing. Not endless nation-building. It’s about strategic sovereignty.

It’s the same philosophy driving Trump’s approach to NATO, the Middle East, and Asia. We’ll stand with you — but you’ll stand on your own two feet. The days of American taxpayers funding global security while our own borders collapse are over.

Trump’s Monroe Doctrine

Critics will call it “isolationism.” It isn’t. It’s realism. It’s recognizing that America’s strength comes not from fighting other people’s wars but from securing our own energy, our own supply lines, our own hemisphere. The first Monroe Doctrine warned foreign powers to stay out of the Americas. The second one — Trump’s — says we’ll defend them, but we’ll no longer be their bank or their babysitter.

Historians may one day mark this moment as the start of a new era — when America stopped apologizing for its own interests and started rebuilding its sovereignty, one barrel, one chip, and one border at a time.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.