Trump's Achilles Heel Revealed in New Podcast Series

October 26, 2016

Writer

Want to take a deep dive into the psyche of Donald Trump? Look no further than The Run-up, a podcast "that makes sense of the most delirious stretch of the 2016 campaign." Taped before Trump's run for the presidency, the five-hour recording reveals much about the larger-than-life businessman, including his greatest fear:

The intense ambitions and undisciplined behaviors of Mr. Trump have confounded even those close to him, especially as his presidential campaign comes to a tumultuous end, and he confronts the possibility of the most stinging defeat of his life. But in the more than five hours of conversations — the last extensive biographical interviews Mr. Trump granted before running for president — a powerful driving force emerges: his deep-seated fear of public embarrassment.

In the tapes, Trump goes on record as saying he doesn't look back, focusing only on the present and the future.

"What he's saying is, I don't ask for forgiveness because I don't look back. I don't want to look back. I may not like what I find. But that is a denial of the power of forgiveness, the power of atonement, the power of sacrifice," Glenn said.

Read below or listen to the full segment for answers to these questions:

• What does it mean if a man can't reflect on his life?

• Did something damaging happen in Trump's childhood?

• How did Trump respond to his wife publicly skiing better than him?

• What does Trump love about physical fighting?

• Will Trump ever have a day of reckoning with himself?

Listen to this segment from The Glenn Beck Program:

Below is a rush transcript of this segment, it might contain errors:

GLENN: There's an election podcast called the Run-up that is out right now. And Donald Trump said, "You know, this is pretty old and boring stuff, but I hope people enjoy it." That was his statement on Monday night. It's not old stuff. It's two years old. It's an interview, five hours of an interview with him right before he announced. When he was -- when he was asked, you know -- you know, look back on your life and analyze yourself. What's the meaning of life that you have found?

He said, "I don't want to think about it. I don't analyze myself because I might not like what I see."

Who do you -- do you have any heroes? Who do you look up to?

"I don't have any heroes."

Do you --

PAT: I think he's his own hero.

GLENN: Do you look at history? How do you use history to understand what's happening now?

Quote, I don't like to talk about the past. It's all about the present and the future. And for the most part, you can't respect people because most people aren't worthy of respect.

Then he talked about how he doesn't need -- he said, "I would be very happy in a one-bedroom. I don't need these three floors in the Trump building."

(laughter)

GLENN: He said, "It's very hard for someone to be married to me." He always seems to return in one form or another to the theme of humiliation. He reserves special scorn for people who embarrass themselves in front of their peers. He tells a story of an unnamed bank president who became inebriated during an award dinner at the Waldorf Astoria, a ritual of New York society.

By the end of the night, he recalls, the man was incapable of walking. He had to be carried out.

Donald Trump, "We all had an arm, a leg, a back, and we carried him out of the room that night, right after he made the worst speech you've ever heard. And I've never looked at him the same way. I've never forgot that, in the front of the room, the most important people, we had to carry him out of the room. And so things like that have an impact on me."

I think that's -- that would have an impact on me too.

There's little trace of sympathy of understanding when people lose face. Mr. Trump's reaction is swift and unforgiving. If Mr. Trump feels he has been made a fool of, his response can be volcanic.

Ivana Trump told the reporter about a Colorado ski vacation she took with Mr. Trump soon after they began dating. The future Mrs. Trump had not told her boyfriend that she was an accomplished skier. As she recalls it, Mr. Trump went down the hill first and waited for her at the bottom.

So -- this is Ivana. So he goes up and stops and he says, "Come on, baby. Come on, baby." I went up. I went. I did two flips in the air. Two flips right in front of him. I disappeared. Donald was so angry, he took off his skis, his ski boots, and walked up to the restaurant. He couldn't take it. He just couldn't take.

He had been bested in public, as he stormed off the slope, leaving behind a trail of equipment, she recalled. Donald Trump could not contain his embarrassment. Quote, she recalled him saying, I'm not going to do this for anybody, including you.

On the tapes, Mr. Trump also describes a passionate enjoyment of fighting.

Now, listen to this. Then I'm going to play you some audio from yesterday, which I think the press is being extraordinarily unfair on.

On the tapes, he describes a passionate enjoyment of fighting which started during his adolescence in Queens. It didn't matter, he said, whether the altercation was verbal or physical, he loved it all the same. Quote, I was a very rebellious kind of person. I didn't -- I don't like too talk about it actually. But I was very rebellious and very set in my ways. In the eighth grade, I loved to fight. I always have loved to fight. Physical fights. Any kind of fights. All types of fights. Even arguments. Any kind of fight, I love it, including physical.

Now, he then talks about how he was a real troubled kid. And at the age of 13, he had to be sent off to the New York Military Academy because his parents couldn't deal with him anymore.

He said, "I'm standing there in the military academy, and this guy comes out. He's like a bulldog, a rough guy. He was a drill sergeant. Now they call him Major Dobias. But he was a sergeant then. When I knew him, Sergeant Dobias. Right out of the Army. And he was a rough guy. Physically rough. Mentally rough. He also was my baseball coach. And he used to say things like, "Stand up." And I would say, "Give me an, expletive, break." The guy came at me. You would never believe what he did. I mean, he came at me. It was really fantastic.

Did he rough you up?

Oh, yeah. Absolutely.

He grabbed you by the shirt?

Oh, yeah. But it doesn't matter. It's not like what it happens today. You have to learn to survive. It was tough, not like today. Those were rougher times. These guys go back to some of those old drill sergeants, they can't even understand what's going on in this country. I loved the old days.

Now, listen, he loves to fight. Listen, now, the press has this so unfair against Donald Trump: Joe Biden threatened -- said I want to take him out behind a bar.

STU: The gym is what he said.

GLENN: Yeah, the gym. I want to take him behind the gym. Basically he's threatening. I want to take him out and beat him up.

Here's two losers, two guys who think they're 13 years old, threatening violence against each other. The press doesn't report that the vice president just threatened violence on Donald Trump. They only report that Donald Trump threatened violence on Joe Biden. But it was a response to Joe Biden's threat.

STU: Right. They've handled that completely unfairly.

GLENN: Oh, completely unfairly. But here's Donald Trump's response.

DONALD: Did you see where Biden wants to take me to the back of the barn? Me. He wants it. I'd love that. I'd love that. Mr. Tough Guy. You know, he's Mr. Tough Guy.

You know when he's Mr. Tough guy? When he's standing behind a microphone by himself. That's when -- he wants to bring me to the back of the barn. Oh. Some things in life you could really love doing.

Our nation has lost -- and, by the way, if I said that, they'd say, "He's violent. How could he have done that?"

PAT: And they did say that.

STU: That's true.

PAT: They did say it, anyway, even though it was Biden who said it first.

GLENN: Yep, yep.

STU: Yeah. Totally unfair.

GLENN: Okay. So the next thing that's on these tapes that's very interesting --

PAT: I'd pay a lot of money to see that fight, by the way.

GLENN: I think Donald Trump would kick --

PAT: Oh --

GLENN: Oh, Donald Trump would --

PAT: Destroy him.

GLENN: Yeah. That would be like a scene out of the Sopranos. He would just be beating and beating and beating.

(laughter)

JEFFY: Yes.

GLENN: Anyway, in these -- in these tapes that Donald Trump says, really old -- two years old -- and -- and kind of boring. So far, they're very interesting.

He says he can still recall the thrill of a newspaper mentioning his name for the first time.

Quote, I said, I love it. I love it. It's the first time I was ever in the newspaper. I was a young kid, right? I was probably a sophomore in high school. I don't think anything is wrong with that. I thought it was amazing. It felt good. Donald Trump was hooked. But it wasn't enough for Mr. Trump to be the object of media fascination. He took pleasure in knowing that such coverage was denied to almost everyone else.

When Mr. D'Antonio said that it was exciting for anybody to be mentioned in a newspaper, a seemingly wounded Mr. Trump interrupted and explained why his experience was special. Quote, well, most people aren't in print though. Don't forget, I mean, how many people are in print? Nobody is in print.

Mr. Trump refused to let the subject go, emphasizing over and over again how unique it was and how he had been mentioned in the newspaper. By the time he was an established businessman, Donald Trump hired a service to compile the swelling number of references made of him in the media. Which he then reviewed. He told on tape, "There are thousands of them. Thousands. Every day, thousands. Thousands a day." He quickly figured out the media attention was free advertising. "I could say no, and then I could advertise a project I'm doing, like Doral or something, and spend half a million dollars on it or a million dollars. Or I can do a show and spend nothing and be on for a lot longer." Do you understand what I mean? So I've always felt it was a positive thing.

No matter the newspaper, magazine, or show, Mr. Trump has always been keeping score, how positive coverage was and how often he was featured, just as he does today.

Unfortunately, Mr. Trump fears more than anything else being ignored, being overlooked or being irrelevant.

This is why I bring this up. Because this is -- this is the trait in him that makes Putin such a dangerous foe. That's how he saw Arsenio Hall in the 2000s, as forgotten and ungrateful for his time on the Celebrity Apprentice.

There was a time when he recalled his favorite song during our interview. It was performed by Peggy Lee. Is That All There Is.

Trump: It's a great song because I've had these tremendous successes, and then I'm off to the next one. Because it's like, oh, is that all there is?

PAT: Wow.

GLENN: He is -- he is a tragic figure. He's a sad figure, I think.

That's a great song, actually. That's an interesting song, especially sung by her, because she had such a troubled life.

But he quickly retreats from the moment, declining Mr. D'Antonio's invitation to further explain how the song makes him feel about himself. Saying, "I don't know if I'll like what I discover."

Of this, however, Mr. Trump is certain: He needs the world's attention and the embrace. A life force that has sustained him for decades. He recalls walking into a giant room and watching the crowd surround him as if he were a magnet attracting everything around him.

Mr. D'Antonio asked him when that first started.

Oh, a long time ago. It's really always been that way.

Did it ever unnerve him, the author wondered.

No, Trump said. I think what would unnerve me is if it didn't happen. I find that an interesting look -- I think Donald Trump is one of the more interesting guys, if you could ever break down the wall. Because I think there is something -- something at 13. Something -- I don't know. Something in his youth that had to have happened that cemented this need for attention. And I think he is a very frightened man. Like the Peggy Lee song. Is that all there is?

And anybody who is an alcoholic -- now, Trump has total self-control on alcohol and everything else. But if anybody is an alcoholic, you know that that's the way you feel.

You'll have a success. And you'll have a high. Or you'll have whatever. And you'll be -- is that it? And you're always looking for the next great whatever. And it never happens. You get there. And you think, that's going to make me happy. That's going to make it. And it doesn't. And you're more empty inside.

And eventually, you crash. He's never had the crash. And he doesn't want to look backward.

You know, when he said, "I don't ask for forgiveness because I don't need to ask for forgiveness," this interview shows that's not true. What he's saying is, I don't ask for forgiveness because I don't look back. I don't want to look back. I may not like what I find. But that is a denial of the power of forgiveness, the power of atonement, the power of sacrifice. He -- none of us like what we find in our past. None of us like what we have, you know, the things that we've done. That's why we have to have that forgiveness.

And he doesn't understand that. And some day -- I mean, I don't know if you can teach old dogs new tricks. I mean, how much more time does he have before -- you know, ten, 15, 20 maybe years before he can have that moment where he can go, "Oh, man, why was I fighting so hard all these years? Why was I doing that? I didn't need to run from my past."

JEFFY: Oh, you think he has one of those moments?

GLENN: I hope so. I hope so. For his own happiness, I hope so. Because I don't think he's happy. He might think he's happy, but I don't think he really is. I used to think I was really happy, but it was only because I was running so hard. You know, it says something that he can't -- he has to have somebody around him at all times. He has to be occupied by something at all times. He's not -- to me, that's a sign -- if you can drive in your car by yourself and turn the radio off and be alone with your thoughts --

STU: Outside of this time slot. Another time slot.

GLENN: Yeah. Another time slot. You can -- to me, that's a sign that you're pretty healthy. But if you can't be alone with your own thoughts, that's a problem.

Featured Image: Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump pauses during a campaign event September 6, 2016 in Virginia Beach, Virginia. Trump participated in a discussion with retired Army Lieutenant General Michael Flynn. (Photo by Alex Wong/Getty Images)

Breaking point: Will America stand up to the mob?

Jeff J Mitchell / Staff | Getty Images

The mob rises where men of courage fall silent. The lesson from Portland, Chicago, and other blue cities is simple: Appeasing radicals doesn’t buy peace — it only rents humiliation.

Parts of America, like Portland and Chicago, now resemble occupied territory. Progressive city governments have surrendered control to street militias, leaving citizens, journalists, and even federal officers to face violent anarchists without protection.

Take Portland, where Antifa has terrorized the city for more than 100 consecutive nights. Federal officers trying to keep order face nightly assaults while local officials do nothing. Independent journalists, such as Nick Sortor, have even been arrested for documenting the chaos. Sortor and Blaze News reporter Julio Rosas later testified at the White House about Antifa’s violence — testimony that corporate media outlets buried.

Antifa is organized, funded, and emboldened.

Chicago offers the same grim picture. Federal agents have been stalked, ambushed, and denied backup from local police while under siege from mobs. Calls for help went unanswered, putting lives in danger. This is more than disorder; it is open defiance of federal authority and a violation of the Constitution’s Supremacy Clause.

A history of violence

For years, the legacy media and left-wing think tanks have portrayed Antifa as “decentralized” and “leaderless.” The opposite is true. Antifa is organized, disciplined, and well-funded. Groups like Rose City Antifa in Oregon, the Elm Fork John Brown Gun Club in Texas, and Jane’s Revenge operate as coordinated street militias. Legal fronts such as the National Lawyers Guild provide protection, while crowdfunding networks and international supporters funnel money directly to the movement.

The claim that Antifa lacks structure is a convenient myth — one that’s cost Americans dearly.

History reminds us what happens when mobs go unchecked. The French Revolution, Weimar Germany, Mao’s Red Guards — every one began with chaos on the streets. But it wasn’t random. Today’s radicals follow the same playbook: Exploit disorder, intimidate opponents, and seize moral power while the state looks away.

Dismember the dragon

The Trump administration’s decision to designate Antifa a domestic terrorist organization was long overdue. The label finally acknowledged what citizens already knew: Antifa functions as a militant enterprise, recruiting and radicalizing youth for coordinated violence nationwide.

But naming the threat isn’t enough. The movement’s financiers, organizers, and enablers must also face justice. Every dollar that funds Antifa’s destruction should be traced, seized, and exposed.

AFP Contributor / Contributor | Getty Images

This fight transcends party lines. It’s not about left versus right; it’s about civilization versus anarchy. When politicians and judges excuse or ignore mob violence, they imperil the republic itself. Americans must reject silence and cowardice while street militias operate with impunity.

Antifa is organized, funded, and emboldened. The violence in Portland and Chicago is deliberate, not spontaneous. If America fails to confront it decisively, the price won’t just be broken cities — it will be the erosion of the republic itself.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

Colorado counselor fights back after faith declared “illegal”

Drew Angerer / Staff | Getty Images

The state is effectively silencing professionals who dare speak truths about gender and sexuality, redefining faith-guided speech as illegal.

This week, free speech is once again on the line before the U.S. Supreme Court. At stake is whether Americans still have the right to talk about faith, morality, and truth in their private practice without the government’s permission.

The case comes out of Colorado, where lawmakers in 2019 passed a ban on what they call “conversion therapy.” The law prohibits licensed counselors from trying to change a minor’s gender identity or sexual orientation, including their behaviors or gender expression. The law specifically targets Christian counselors who serve clients attempting to overcome gender dysphoria and not fall prey to the transgender ideology.

The root of this case isn’t about therapy. It’s about erasing a worldview.

The law does include one convenient exception. Counselors are free to “assist” a person who wants to transition genders but not someone who wants to affirm their biological sex. In other words, you can help a child move in one direction — one that is in line with the state’s progressive ideology — but not the other.

Think about that for a moment. The state is saying that a counselor can’t even discuss changing behavior with a client. Isn’t that the whole point of counseling?

One‑sided freedom

Kaley Chiles, a licensed professional counselor in Colorado Springs, has been one of the victims of this blatant attack on the First Amendment. Chiles has dedicated her practice to helping clients dealing with addiction, trauma, sexuality struggles, and gender dysphoria. She’s also a Christian who serves patients seeking guidance rooted in biblical teaching.

Before 2019, she could counsel minors according to her faith. She could talk about biblical morality, identity, and the path to wholeness. When the state outlawed that speech, she stopped. She followed the law — and then she sued.

Her case, Chiles v. Salazar, is now before the Supreme Court. Justices heard oral arguments on Tuesday. The question: Is counseling a form of speech or merely a government‑regulated service?

If the court rules the wrong way, it won’t just silence therapists. It could muzzle pastors, teachers, parents — anyone who believes in truth grounded in something higher than the state.

Censored belief

I believe marriage between a man and a woman is ordained by God. I believe that family — mother, father, child — is central to His design for humanity.

I believe that men and women are created in God’s image, with divine purpose and eternal worth. Gender isn’t an accessory; it’s part of who we are.

I believe the command to “be fruitful and multiply” still stands, that the power to create life is sacred, and that it belongs within marriage between a man and a woman.

And I believe that when we abandon these principles — when we treat sex as recreation, when we dissolve families, when we forget our vows — society fractures.

Are those statements controversial now? Maybe. But if this case goes against Chiles, those statements and others could soon be illegal to say aloud in public.

Faith on trial

In Colorado today, a counselor cannot sit down with a 15‑year‑old who’s struggling with gender identity and say, “You were made in God’s image, and He does not make mistakes.” That is now considered hate speech.

That’s the “freedom” the modern left is offering — freedom to affirm, but never to question. Freedom to comply, but never to dissent. The same movement that claims to champion tolerance now demands silence from anyone who disagrees. The root of this case isn’t about therapy. It’s about erasing a worldview.

The real test

No matter what happens at the Supreme Court, we cannot stop speaking the truth. These beliefs aren’t political slogans. For me, they are the product of years of wrestling, searching, and learning through pain and grace what actually leads to peace. For us, they are the fundamental principles that lead to a flourishing life. We cannot balk at standing for truth.

Maybe that’s why God allows these moments — moments when believers are pushed to the wall. They force us to ask hard questions: What is true? What is worth standing for? What is worth dying for — and living for?

If we answer those questions honestly, we’ll find not just truth, but freedom.

The state doesn’t grant real freedom — and it certainly isn’t defined by Colorado legislators. Real freedom comes from God. And the day we forget that, the First Amendment will mean nothing at all.

This article originally appeared on TheBlaze.com.

Glenn Beck joins Megyn Kelly LIVE — One night ONLY in Fort Worth!

Get ready for sparks to fly. For the first time in years, Glenn will come face-to-face with Megyn Kelly — and this time, he’s the one in the hot seat. On October 25, 2025, at Dickies Arena in Fort Worth, Texas, Glenn joins Megyn on her “Megyn Kelly Live Tour” for a no-holds-barred conversation that promises laughs, surprises, and maybe even a few uncomfortable questions.

What will happen when two of America’s sharpest voices collide under the spotlight? Will Glenn finally reveal the major announcement he’s been teasing on the radio for weeks? You’ll have to be there to find out.

This promises to be more than just an interview — it’s a live showdown packed with wit, honesty, and the kind of energy you can only feel if you are in the room. Tickets are selling fast, so don’t miss your chance to see Glenn like you’ve never seen him before.

Get your tickets NOW at www.MegynKelly.com before they’re gone!

What our response to Israel reveals about us

JOSEPH PREZIOSO / Contributor | Getty Images

I have been honored to receive the Defender of Israel Award from Prime Minister Netanyahu.

The Jerusalem Post recently named me one of the strongest Christian voices in support of Israel.

And yet, my support is not blind loyalty. It’s not a rubber stamp for any government or policy. I support Israel because I believe it is my duty — first as a Christian, but even if I weren’t a believer, I would still support her as a man of reason, morality, and common sense.

Because faith isn’t required to understand this: Israel’s existence is not just about one nation’s survival — it is about the survival of Western civilization itself.

It is a lone beacon of shared values in the Middle East. It is a bulwark standing against radical Islam — the same evil that seeks to dismantle our own nation from within.

And my support is not rooted in politics. It is rooted in something simpler and older than politics: a people’s moral and historical right to their homeland, and their right to live in peace.

Israel has that right — and the right to defend herself against those who openly, repeatedly vow her destruction.

Let’s make it personal: if someone told me again and again that they wanted to kill me and my entire family — and then acted on that threat — would I not defend myself? Wouldn’t you? If Hamas were Canada, and we were Israel, and they did to us what Hamas has done to them, there wouldn’t be a single building left standing north of our border. That’s not a question of morality.

That’s just the truth. All people — every people — have a God-given right to protect themselves. And Israel is doing exactly that.

My support for Israel’s right to finish the fight against Hamas comes after eighty years of rejected peace offers and failed two-state solutions. Hamas has never hidden its mission — the eradication of Israel. That’s not a political disagreement.

That’s not a land dispute. That is an annihilationist ideology. And while I do not believe this is America’s war to fight, I do believe — with every fiber of my being — that it is Israel’s right, and moral duty, to defend her people.

Criticism of military tactics is fair. That’s not antisemitism. But denying Israel’s right to exist, or excusing — even celebrating — the barbarity of Hamas? That’s something far darker.

We saw it on October 7th — the face of evil itself. Women and children slaughtered. Babies burned alive. Innocent people raped and dragged through the streets. And now, to see our own fellow citizens march in defense of that evil… that is nothing short of a moral collapse.

If the chants in our streets were, “Hamas, return the hostages — Israel, stop the bombing,” we could have a conversation.

But that’s not what we hear.

What we hear is open sympathy for genocidal hatred. And that is a chasm — not just from decency, but from humanity itself. And here lies the danger: that same hatred is taking root here — in Dearborn, in London, in Paris — not as horror, but as heroism. If we are not vigilant, the enemy Israel faces today will be the enemy the free world faces tomorrow.

This isn’t about politics. It’s about truth. It’s about the courage to call evil by its name and to say “Never again” — and mean it.

And you don’t have to open a Bible to understand this. But if you do — if you are a believer — then this issue cuts even deeper. Because the question becomes: what did God promise, and does He keep His word?

He told Abraham, “I will bless those who bless you, and curse those who curse you.” He promised to make Abraham the father of many nations and to give him “the whole land of Canaan.” And though Abraham had other sons, God reaffirmed that promise through Isaac. And then again through Isaac’s son, Jacob — Israel — saying: “The land I gave to Abraham and Isaac I give to you and to your descendants after you.”

That’s an everlasting promise.

And from those descendants came a child — born in Bethlehem — who claimed to be the Savior of the world. Jesus never rejected His title as “son of David,” the great King of Israel.

He said plainly that He came “for the lost sheep of the house of Israel.” And when He returns, Scripture says He will return as “the Lion of the tribe of Judah.” And where do you think He will go? Back to His homeland — Israel.

Tamir Kalifa / Stringer | Getty Images

And what will He find when He gets there? His brothers — or his brothers’ enemies? Will the roads where He once walked be preserved? Or will they lie in rubble, as Gaza does today? If what He finds looks like the aftermath of October 7th, then tell me — what will be my defense as a Christian?

Some Christians argue that God’s promises to Israel have been transferred exclusively to the Church. I don’t believe that. But even if you do, then ask yourself this: if we’ve inherited the promises, do we not also inherit the land? Can we claim the birthright and then, like Esau, treat it as worthless when the world tries to steal it?

So, when terrorists come to slaughter Israelis simply for living in the land promised to Abraham, will we stand by? Or will we step forward — into the line of fire — and say,

“Take me instead”?

Because this is not just about Israel’s right to exist.

It’s about whether we still know the difference between good and evil.

It’s about whether we still have the courage to stand where God stands.

And if we cannot — if we will not — then maybe the question isn’t whether Israel will survive. Maybe the question is whether we will.

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